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About Bikers of America, " THE PHIL & BIL SHOW " Know Your Rights!

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We are a hardcore biker rights talk show that hits like a bored and stroked big V-twin. Join us each week as we give you straight talk on what is happening to bikers on the left coast... and what YOU can do to join the cause.
We are "The Special Forces on the Left Coast".

This show is hosted by...
Philip aka "Screwdriver" of B.O.L.T. of California
&
Bill of Kennedy's Custom Cycles

Catch us Live every Thursday at 6pm PST
All shows are archived and available 24/7



P.S. If you have a Burning Desire, Please Feel Free to contact us to schedule
a spot on the show, Screwdriver

Babe of the Day

ROSARITO BEACH WET T-SHIRT CONTEST - 8/4/2012 PART 1

What is R.I.C.O.? Read why it's used against America's.. and why the Feds started using it against Bikers

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What is RICO,
and Why the Feds started using it Against Bikers
by Roadblock 1%er

Today, governments and their agencies worldwide are classifying their "Biker" populations as undesirable criminal organizations, slating them for harassment and selective prosecution. Our governments are blatantly determined to eradicate the biker lifestyle.
I will attempt to show how all of this began, and how RICO is connected to the U.S. government's "war on motorcycle clubs." No matter where you live, this "War On Motorcycle Clubs" is a serious threat is to our individual constitutional and human rights as citizens of our respective countries.

In 1961, during the John F. Kennedy administration, the office of Attorney General was held by his brother Robert Kennedy. With help from the U.S. Congress, Attorney General Kennedy got a special organized crime bill passed called the Racketeering Influence and Corrupt Organization Act of 1961 (RICO). This new law was designed to prosecute the secretive organized crime organizations such as the Mafia, Drug Cartels, and Domestic Terrorists.

The RICO Act was designed to allow Federal Prosecutors to go outside the normal rules of conduct to gain convictions. These new rules allowed the government to charge unconnected criminal acts committed by individual members of these organizations together in a single Indictment.
Since these organizations were classified as criminal organizations, all the prosecutor had to do was to persuade a jury that each of these independent criminal acts were somehow committed in furtherance of the organization's goals.
This helped establish the "Criminal Enterprise" to qualify as a RICO Act violation. The government could do this even though it was not necessary to prove any of the defendants knew or participated in the criminal acts of others charged in the RICO Indictment.
In 1980, former movie actor and governor of California Ronald Reagan was elected President of the U.S., with ex-CIA Director George Bush as Vice President. Soon after Reagan took office, he issued an Executive Order declaring America's top four Motorcycle Clubs to be classified as Criminal Organizations. This new classification added the motorcycle clubs to the list of traditional criminal organizations who could be easily prosecuted using the special RICO rules.
President Reagan ordered Attorney General William French Smith and his Justice Department to set up special regional task force headquarters across America. The Justice Department's mission was to profile and get the selected motorcycle clubs off the streets using whatever means necessary.
In my opinion, the reason behind President Reagan's Actions was his daughter's supposed involvement with the Hell's Angels Motorcycle Club. It doesn't seem to be just a coincidence that the Hell's Angels were the first Motorcycle Club the Justice Department went after using the RICO Act.
It seems obvious Ronald Reagan brought his own personal animosity against motorcycle clubs to the office of President. He then used the power of that office to pursue his personal vendetta against motorcycle clubs, using the broad RICO rules which almost guarantee conviction.
Over the last 30 years federal law enforcement agencies have expanded this selective prosecution to include more than 300 Motorcycle Clubs. These motorcycle clubs are now classified as "Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs/Criminal Organizations."
During my lengthy RICO sentence, I did extensive research and litigation in the courts. I’m fully aware of the uphill battle it will take to change the classification and profiling of the targeted motorcycle clubs, but it can be done. It is our constitutional right to be treated like any other citizen. The battle can be fought and won only in the courts.

Roadblock 1%er

Am I allowed to record police? 7 Rules for Recording Police

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OFF THE WIRE
This article by  originally appeared April 5, 2012 in Reason.com. It’s been updated to include new information regarding recent rulings in favor of citizens’ right to record police.

Last week the City of Boston agreed to pay Simon Glik $170,000 in damages and legal fees to settle a civil rights lawsuit stemming from his 2007 felony arrest for videotaping police roughing up a suspect. Prior to the settlement, the First Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously ruled that Glik had a “constitutionally protected right to videotape police carrying out their duties in public.” The Boston Police Department now explicitly instructs its officers not to arrest citizens openly recording them in public…The Boston Police Department now explicitly instructs its officers not to arrest citizens openly recording them in public.
Slowly but surely the courts are recognizing that recording on-duty police is a protected First Amendment activity. But in the meantime, police around the country continue to intimidate and arrest citizens for doing just that. So if you’re an aspiring cop watcher you must be uniquely prepared to deal with hostile cops.
If you choose to record the police you can reduce the risk of terrible legal consequences and video loss by understanding your state’s laws and carefully adhering to the following rules.
Rule #1: Know the Law (Wherever You Are)
Conceived at a time when pocket-sized recording devices were available only to James Bond types, most eavesdropping laws were originally intended to protect people against snoops, spies, and peeping Toms. Now with this technology in the hands of average citizens, police and prosecutors are abusing these outdated laws to punish citizens merely attempting to document on-duty police.
The law in 38 states plainly allows citizens to record police, as long as you don’t physically interfere with their work. Police might still unfairly harass you, detain you, or confiscate your camera. They might even arrest you for some catchall misdemeanor such as obstruction of justice or disorderly conduct. But you will not be charged for illegally recording police.
Twelve states—California, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Washington—require the consent of all parties for you to record a conversation. But do not despair if you live in these states: All but 2 —Massachusetts and Illinois—have an “expectation of privacy provision” to their all-party laws that courts have ruled does not apply to on-duty police (or anyone in public). In other words, it’s technically legal in those 48 states to openly record on-duty police.
IMPORTANT UPDATES: As mentioned earlier, the First Circuit Court of Appeals covering Massachusetts declared the state’s ban on recording police to be unconstitutional. In May, The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals covering Illinois also declared the state’s harsh recording ban unconstitutional, ordering authorities to stop enforcing it. In November, The Supreme Court of the United States rejected Illinois’ petition to appeal the Seventh Circuit Court’s ruling.
Rule #2 Don’t Secretly Record Police
In most states it’s almost always illegal to record a conversation in which you’re not a party and don’t have consent to record. Massachusetts is the only state to uphold a conviction for recording on-duty police, but that conviction was for a secret recording where the defendant failed to inform police he was recording. (As in the Glik case, Massachusetts courts have ruled that openly recording police is legal, but secretly recording them isn’t.)
Fortunately, judges and juries are soundly rejecting these laws. Illinois, the state with the most notorious anti-recording laws in the land, expressly forbids you from recording on-duty police. Early last month an Illinois judge declared that law unconstitutional, ruling in favor of Chris Drew, a Chicago artist charged with felony eavesdropping for secretly recording his own arrest. Last August a jury acquitted Tiawanda Moore of secretly recording two Chicago Police Internal Affairs investigators who encouraged her to drop a sexual harassment complaint against another officer. (A juror described the case to a reporter as “a waste of time.”) In September, an Illinois state judge dropped felony charges against Michael Allison. After running afoul of local zoning ordinances, he faced up to 75 years in prison for secretly recording police and attempting to tape his own trial.
The lesson for you is this: If you want to limit your legal exposure and present a strong legal case, record police openly if possible. But if you videotape on-duty police from a distance, such an announcement might not be possible or appropriate unless police approach you.
Rule #3: Respond to “Shit Cops Say” 
When it comes to police encounters, you don’t get to choose whom you’re dealing with. You might get Officer Friendly, or you might get Officer Psycho. You’ll likely get officers between these extremes. But when you “watch the watchmen,” you must be ready to think on your feet.
In most circumstances, officers will not immediately bull rush you for filming them. But if they aren’t properly trained, they might feel like their authority is being challenged. And all too often police are simply ignorant of the law. Part of your task will be to convince them that you’re not a threat while also standing your ground.
“What are you doing?”
Police aren’t celebrities, so they’re not always used to being photographed in public. So even if you’re recording at a safe distance, they might approach and ask what you are doing. Avoid saying things like “I’m recording you to make sure you’re doing your job right” or “I don’t trust you.”
Instead, say something like “Officer, I’m not interfering. I’m asserting my First Amendment rights. You’re being documented and recorded offsite.”
Saying this while remaining calm and cool will likely put police on their best behavior. They might follow up by asking, “Who do you work for?” You may, for example, tell them you’re an independent filmmaker or a citizen journalist with a popular website/blog/YouTube show. Whatever you say, don’t lie—but don’t let police trick you into thinking that the First Amendment only applies to mainstream media journalists. It doesn’t.
“Let me see your ID.”
In the United States there’s no law requiring you to carry a government ID. But in 24 states police may require you to identify yourself if they have reasonable suspicion that you’re involved in criminal activity.
But how can you tell if an officer asking for ID has reasonable suspicion? Police need reasonable suspicion to detain you, so one way to tell if they have reasonable suspicion is to determine if you’re free to go. You can do this by saying “Officer, are you detaining me, or am I free to go?”
If the officer says you’re free to go or you’re not being detained, it’s your choice whether to stay or go. But if you’re detained, you might say something like, “I’m not required to show you ID, but my name is [your full name].” It’s up to you if you want to provide your address and date of birth if asked for it, but I’d stop short of giving them your Social Security number.
“Please stop recording me. It’s against the law.”
Rarely is it advisable to educate officers about the law. But in a tense recording situation where the law is clearly on your side, it might help your case to politely present your knowledge of state law.
For example, if an insecure cop tries to tell you that you’re violating his civil liberties, you might respond by saying “Officer, with all due respect, state law only requires permission from one party in a conversation. I don’t need your permission to record so long as I’m not interfering with your work.”
If you live in one of the 12 all party record states, you might say something like “Officer, I’m familiar with the law, but the courts have ruled that it doesn’t apply to recording on-duty police.”
If protective service officers harass you while filming on federal property, you may remind them of a recently issued directive informing them that there’s no prohibition against public photography at federal buildings.
“Stand back.”
If you’re approaching the scene of an investigation or an accident, police will likely order you to move back. Depending on the circumstances, you might become involved in an intense negotiation to determine the “appropriate” distance you need to stand back to avoid “interfering” with their work.
If you feel you’re already standing at a reasonable distance, you may say something like, “Officer, I have a right to be here. I’m filming for documentation purposes and not interfering with your work.” It’s then up to you to decide how far back you’re willing to stand to avoid arrest.
Rule #4: Don’t Share Your Video with Police
If you capture video of police misconduct or brutality, but otherwise avoid being identified yourself, you can anonymously upload it to YouTube. This seems to be the safest legal option. For example, a Massachusetts woman who videotaped a cop beating a motorist with a flashlight posted the video to the Internet. Afterwards, one of the cops caught at the scene filed criminal wiretapping charges against her. (As usual, the charges against her were later dropped.)
On the other hand, an anonymous videographer uploaded footage of an NYPD officer body-slamming a man on a bicycle to YouTube. Although the videographer was never revealed, the video went viral. Consequently, the manufactured assault charges against the bicyclist were dropped, the officer was fired, and the bicyclist eventually sued the city and won a $65,000 settlement.

Rule #5: Prepare to be Arrested
Keene, New Hampshire resident Dave Ridley is the avatar of the new breed of journalist/activist/filmmaker testing the limits of the First Amendment right to record police. Over the past few years he’s uploaded the most impressive collection of first-person police encounter videos I’ve ever seen.
Ridley’s calm demeanor and knowledge of the law paid off last August after he was arrested for trespassing at an event featuring Vice President Joe Biden. The arresting officers at his trial claimed he refused to leave when ordered to do so. But the judge acquitted him when his confiscated video proved otherwise.
With respect to the law Ridley declares, “If you’re rolling the camera, be very open and upfront about it. And look at it as a potential act of civil disobedience for which you could go to jail.” It’s indeed disturbing that citizens who are not breaking the law should prepare to be arrested, but in the current legal fog this is sage advice.
“Shut it off, or I’ll arrest you.”
At this point you are risking arrest in order to test the boundaries of free speech. So if police say they’ll arrest you, believe them. You may comply by saying something like “Okay, Officer. But I’m turning the camera off under protest.”
If you keep recording, brace yourself for arrest. Try your best not to drop your camera, but do not physically resist. As with any arrest, you have the right to remain silent until you speak with a lawyer. Use it.
Remember that the camera might still be recording. So keep calm and act like you’re being judged by a jury of millions of your YouTube peers, because one day you might be.
Rule #6: Master Your Technology
Smartphone owners now outnumber users of more basic phones. At any moment there are more than 100 million Americans in reach of a device that can capture police misconduct and share it with the world in seconds.
If you’re one of them, you should consider installing a streaming video recording and sharing app such as Qik or Bambuser. Both apps are free and easy to use.
Always Passcode Protect Your Smartphone
The magic of both apps is that they can instantly store your video offsite. This is essential for preserving video in case police illegally destroy or confiscate your camera. But even with these apps installed, you’ll want to make sure that your device is always passcode protected. If a cop snatches your camera, this will make it extremely difficult for her to simply delete your videos. (If a cop tries to trick you into revealing your passcode, never, never, never give it up!)
Keep in mind that Qik and Bambuser’s offsite upload feature might be slow or nonexistent in places without Wi-Fi or a strong 3G/4G signal. Regardless, your captured video will be saved locally on your device until you’ve got a good enough signal to upload offsite.
Set Videos to “Private”
Both apps allow you to set your account to automatically upload videos as “private” (only you can see them) or “public” (everyone can see them). But until police are no longer free toraid the homes of citizens who capture and upload YouTube videos of them going berserk, it’s probably wise to keep your default setting to “private.”
With a little bit of practice you should be able to pull your smartphone from your pocket or purse, turn it on, enter your passcode, open the app, and hit record within 10 seconds. Keep your preferred app easily accessible on your home screen to save precious seconds. But don’t try to shave milliseconds off your time by disabling your passcode.
Both apps share an important feature that allows your video to be saved if your phone is
turned off put to sleep—even if you’re still recording. So if you anticipate that a cop is about to grab your phone, quickly tap the power button to put it to sleep. Without your passcode, police won’t be able to delete your videos or personal information even if they confiscate or destroy your phone.
With the iPhone 4 and Samsung Galaxy Android devices I tested, when the phone is put to sleep the Qik app immediately stops recording and uploads the video offsite. But if the phone is put to sleep while Bambuser records, the recording continues after the screen goes black.
This Bambuser “black out” feature is a double-edged sword. While it could easily trick cops into thinking you’re not recording them, using it could push you into more dangerous legal territory. As previously mentioned, courts have shown a willingness to convict citizens for secretly recording police. So if you’re somehow caught using this feature it might be easier for a prosecutor to convince a judge or jury that you’ve broken the law. It’s up to you to decide if the increased legal risk is worth the potential to capture incriminating police footage.
Other Recording Options
Cameras lacking offsite recording capability are a less desirable option. As mentioned earlier, if cops delete or destroy your footage—which happens way too often—you might lose your only hope of challenging their version of events in court. But if you can hold on to your camera, there are some good options.
Carlos Miller is a Miami-based photojournalism activist and writer of the popular Photography is Not a Crime blog. While he carries a professional-end Canon XA10 in the field, he says “I never leave home without a Flip camera on a belt pouch. It’s a very decent camera that’s easier to carry around.”
The top-of-the-line Flip UltraHD starts at $178, but earlier models are available for $60 on Amazon. All flip models have one-button recording, which allows you to pull it out of your pocket and shoot within seconds. The built-in USB then lets you upload video to YouTube or other sharing sites through your PC.
Small businessman and “radical technology” educator Justin Holmes recommends the Canon S-series line of cameras. In 2008, his camera captured a police encounter he had while rollerblading in Port Dickenson, New York. His footage provides an outstanding real-life example of how a calm camera-toting citizen can intelligently flex their rights.
“I typically carry a Canon S5-IS,” Holmes says. “But if I was going to buy one new, I’d go for the SX40-HS. If I were on a budget and buying one used, I’d go for S2-IS or S3-IS.” The features he regards as essential include one-touch video, high-quality stereo condenser microphones, fast zoom during video, and 180×270 variable angle LCD. But the last feature he regards as “absolutely essential.” With it the user can glance at the viewfinder while the camera is below or above eye level.
Rule #7: Don’t Point Your Camera Like a Gun
“When filming police you always want to avoid an aggressive posture,” insists Holmes. To do this he keeps his strap-supported camera close to his body at waist level. This way he can hold a conversation while maintaining eye contact with police, quickly glancing at the viewfinder to make sure he’s getting a good shot.
Obviously, those recording with a smartphone lack this angled viewfinder. But you can get a satisfactory shot while holding your device at waist level, tilting it upward a few degrees. This posture might feel awkward at first, but it’s noticeably less confrontational than holding the camera between you and the officer’s face.
Also try to be in control of your camera before an officer approaches. You want to avoid suddenly grasping for it. If a cop thinks you’re reaching for a gun, you could get shot.
Becoming a Hero
If you’ve recently been arrested or charged with a crime after recording police, contact a lawyer with your state’s ACLU chapter for advice as soon as possible. (Do not publicly upload your video before then.) You may also contact Flex Your Rights via Facebook or Twitter. We’re not a law firm, but we’ll do our best to help you.
If your case is strong, the ACLU might offer to take you on as a litigant. If you accept, your brave stand could forever change the way police treat citizens asserting their First Amendment right to record police. This path is not for fools, and it might disrupt your life. But next time you see police in action, don’t forget that a powerful tool for truth and justice might literally be in your hands.

Lane-splitting controversy: Safety guidelines from the CHP

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OFF THE WIRE
Lane-splitting in LA
Motorcyclists split lanes on the southbound 405 in Long Beach on in July 2007.

The controversial practice of motorcycle lane-splitting is legal in California. Or at least it's not illegal.
Motorists may hate it, and critics may say it's unsafe. But the California Highway Patrol recently posted guidelines suggesting they condone the practice. According to them, though, there's a right way and a wrong way to do it.
The agency's guidelines rest on a fundamental rule: a motorcycle is allowed to pass between cars in adjoining lanes of traffic as long as it does so safely.
"Safely" means three things:
1. A motorcyclist should split lanes at no more than 10 mph above traffic speed.
2. A motorcyclist should not split lanes when traffic is moving at more than 30 mph.
3. A motorcyclist should split lanes using the space between the No. 1 and No. 2 lanes.
The guidelines are not laws. A motorcyclist could not be cited for breaking them, but neither could one avoid being cited by following them if he were otherwise riding unsafely -- not paying attention to environmental issues like lighting, weather and so on. An officer could cite a motorcyclist for riding recklessly, whether within the guidelines or not, said Sgt. Mark Pope, statewide coordinator for the CHP’s California Motorcyclist Safety Program.
The guidelines, simple though they may be, took seven years of haggling between agencies and organizations with competing agendas. That meant "everybody, proponent and opponent alike,” Pope said. “There were people that believed [lane-splitting] was unsafe.”

The motorcycle advocates in the discussion drew a hard line: California would remain the only state in the nation to condone lane splitting.
Among the loudest voices was Steve Guderian, a former Ontario city motorcycle cop who is now the safety officer for the motorcycle rights group ABATE. (Formerly the American Brotherhood Against Totalitarian Enactments, ABATE is a political action organization with roots in the Hells Angels’ ultimately unsuccessful battles against the California mandatory-helmet law. Trying to shed its renegade past, ABATE now calls itself the American Brotherhood Aimed Toward Education.)
Guderian has a statistics-based argument for lane splitting -- which he prefers to call lane sharing -- giving a subtly different interpretation to what happens when a motorcycle passes a car in the same lane.
Although he acknowledges that there has been no definitive research on lane-splitting accident rates, Guderian bases his case in part on the work of James V. Ouellet, a motorcycle-accident analyst who concluded in a 2011 research paper that in congested freeway traffic, motorcyclists were less likely to have accidents while splitting lanes, by more than 2 to 1, than those who were not.
My own experience provides a couple of reasons why this would be true. Vision — probably the motorcyclist's most important edge — is dramatically better while lane-splitting between cars. And there’s less danger of being rear-ended because there’s no car directly behind.
 A survey conducted by the consulting firm of Ewald & Wasserman found that 78% of motorcyclists split lanes and nearly two-thirds of them reported having a car try to block them. More than half of motorists said they thought lane splitting was illegal, and 7% admitted to using their vehicle in some way to impede a motorcycle.
That told Pope that drivers needed the guidelines even more than motorcyclists.
“It became apparent there was a need to educate the people driving cars,” he said.
He also suggested that motorcyclists may be responsible for their own bad rap.
"We have a way in our community of being our own worst enemy,” Pope said. “It’s the guy with the loud pipes or the guy who blows through traffic scaring the lady who is driving to church. That’s what the people in the cars remember.”

MOTORCYCLE "CHECKPOINTS"

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OFF THE WIRE
 
John Del Santo
 
This is an FYI regarding "Motorcycle Checkpoint" information, and an attempt to correct some of the rumors that are flying about.     A checkpoint,  such as in DUI checkpoints are to be held in safe, visible, well-lighted areas where one out of five vehicles are  pulled over and checked.
 
  The Motorcycle  Safety Enforcement Operations being funded by NHTSA  and by CA OTS with NHTSA money, are supposed to be held in areas where there is a lot of motorcycle activity and where motorcyclists are often hurt or injured 
 These are NOT "Checkpoints".   They are just normal patroling situations where police are supposed to pull over ANY vehicle that may be doing primary collision factor violations.   This includes motorcycles driving poorly,  AND cars that are making unsafe lane changes,  tailgating motorcycles, etc.     Shown below is a template that is issued by the Office of Traffic Safety OTS to police departments who are receiving NHTSA or CA OTS money.  What happens sometimes,  is that the police department will issue press releases to local newspapers who then improperly list the action as "Checkpoints" , and misuse the info,  as shown on the Hemet newspaper report shown below.  .    In theory, if a police department then stops 96 motorcycles and one car,  they would be following the letter of the law,  but that is not the intent that CA OTS is funding them for.  The intent is to lower motorcyclists being hurt and killed by anyone's mistakes.
 
ABATE will be sponsoring a bill later on this year,  intending to prohibit any agency,   Federal, State, or Local,  from conducting Motorcycle Only Checkpoints. much like the Federal ban that is being attempted by Rep. JIm Sensenbrenner (R. Wis).
 
John, 
Contrary to the Subject line of this email, the Hemet Police Department operation described in the news story is not a “checkpoint.”  A checkpoint is a stationary, high visibility roadblock, with warning signs, lights and cones funneling vehicles to a lane where all vehicles (or a set, objective formula such as every fifth vehicle) are stopped briefly.  The California Office of Traffic Safety (OTS) funds DUI and DUI/Driver License checkpoints.  We do not fund motorcycle-only checkpoints and we do not fund driver license-only checkpoints.
 
Here (pasted below) is the press release template that we provide to police departments who are conducting OTS grant-funded Motorcycle Safety Enforcement Operations.   These operations involve police officers driving around conducting regular traffic enforcement.  If they see a violation, they make and enforcement stop of the vehicle (car, truck, motorcycle) and issue a warning,  citation or make an arrest.
 
In order to increase public awareness about motorcycle safety, we require police departments to issue a press release that not only highlights the grant-funded enforcement operation, but also offers other information about motorcycle safety, licensing and training.  This way the effort and resources reach beyond the few people who are actually stopped during the enforcement operation.
 
If you compare the press release template to the Hemet PD news story, you will see some information in the news article was pulled directly from the press release, however the part saying “as well as other vehicle drivers” was not included.  We provide the information, but we cannot control exactly what the media reports.  It is our intention that these motorcycle operations target the traffic violations that contribute to motorcycle crashes, whether the violation is made by a motorcycle rider or any other road user.
 
PRESS RELEASE
(from CA Office of Traffic Safety  OTS) 
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:                        
<City> Police Department Working To Reduce Motorcycle Fatalities
 
Police to increase enforcement aimed at dangerous riders and careless motorists
 
The <city> Police Department will be conducting a specialized Motorcycle Safety Enforcement Operation on <date> in an effort to continue lowering deaths and injuries.  Extra officers will be on duty patrolling areas frequented by motorcyclists and where motorcycle crashes occur.  Officers will cracking down on traffic violations made by motorcyclists as well as other vehicle drivers that can lead to motorcycle collisions, injuries and fatalities.
 [for ALCOHOL /(DUI) grants, insert the following] <looking for drivers and riders who are under the influence of drug or alcohol and>
 
Motorcycle fatalities had been on the rise in California, increasing 175 percent in 11 years, from 204 killed in 1998 to 560 killed in 2008. That trend has stopped and data shows a 30 percent decrease, to 394 motorcyclists killed in 2009.  Despite this dramatic improvement, California remains one of three states that lead the nation in motorcyclist’s deaths.
 
  <Insert your local Motorcycle Crash/Fatality/Injury data>.
 
California collision data reveals that primary causes of motorcycle-involved crashes include speeding, unsafe turning and impairment due to alcohol and other drugs.  The <city> Police Department is also reminding all motorists to always be alert and watch out for motorcycles, especially when turning and changing lanes.
 
Another major factor leading to motorcycle crashes is inexperience. Between 2006 and 2008, 58 percent of motorcycle operators killed under age 25 were not properly licensed. Riders, young and old, are encouraged to be properly licensed and to seek training and safety information. 
 
“Motorcyclists are much more vulnerable than others sharing the road,” said California Office of Traffic Safety Director, Christopher J. Murphy. “Motorcyclists require special skills and abilities to reduce their risk of being involved in a crash.”
 
Rider’s can get training through the California Motorcyclist Safety Program. Information and training locations are available at http://www.ca-msp.org/ or 1-877 RIDE 411 or 1-877-743-3411.
 
Funding for this program is provided by a grant from the California Office of Traffic Safety through the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.
 
# # #
Motorcycle Safety Tips
 
Tips for drivers to help keep motorcyclists safe on our roadways:
 
* Always make a visual check for motorcycles by checking mirrors and blind spots before entering or leaving a lane of traffic and at intersections;
 
* Always signal your intentions before changing lanes or merging with traffic;
 
* Don’t be fooled by a flashing turn signal on a mo­torcycle – motorcycle signals are often not self-canceling and riders sometimes forget to turn them off. Wait to be sure the motorcycle is going to turn before you proceed;
 
* Allow more following distance, three or four sec­onds, when behind a motorcycle so the motorcyclist has enough time to maneuver or stop in an emer­gency. And don’t tailgate. In dry conditions, motorcycles can stop more quickly than cars.
 
*Never drive while distracted. 
 
 
Motorcyclists can increase their safety by:
 
* Positioning themselves in the lane where they will be most visible to other drivers.
 
*Never driving while impaired. 
 
* Wearing a DOT-compliant helmet;
 
* Use your motorcycle’s turn signals; it is California law. Combine hand signals and turn signals to draw more attention to yourself.
 
* Combining hand signals and turn signals to draw more attention to themselves;
 
* Avoiding riding in poor weather conditions;
 
* Wearing brightly colored protective gear;
 
* Using reflective tape and stickers to increase conspicuity; and
 
The message to all drivers and motorcyclists is: Help to share in the responsibility and do your part by safely “sharing the road.”
  HEMET NEWSPAPER REPORT  MISTAKENLY LISTING THE UPCOMING ACTION AS   "MOTORCYCLE ONLY"  
http://www.swrnn.com/2011/06/11/hemet-police-to-target-motorcycle-safety-next-week/
Hemet police to target motorcycle safety next week
 
 By City News Service, on June 11th, 2011 Motorcyclists with a need for speed and a penchant for taking dangerous shortcuts will be on the Hemet Police Department’s radar next week.
The Hemet Police Department will conduct a specialized “Motorcycle Safety Enforcement Operation” on Tuesday in an effort to continue lowering deaths and injuries, said Hemet police Lt. Dean Evans.
Hemet police will be focusing on motorcycle safety next week. Credit: oregonDOT/Flickr.com/Creative Commons “Extra officers will be on duty patrolling areas frequented by motorcyclists and where motorcycle crashes occur,” Evans said.
He cited speeding, unsafe turning and impairment due to alcohol and other drugs as leading factors in motorcycle crashes. Evans also cited inexperience as a major factor in motorcycle crashes.
“Between 2006 and 2008, 58 percent of motorcycle operators killed under age 25 were not properly licensed,” he said. “Riders, young and old, are encouraged to be properly licensed and to seek training and safety information.”
California Office of Traffic Safety data show that over the past three years, fatal motorcycle crashes have declined by 30 percent. However, California is still ranked in the top three states in the nation for motorcycle fatalities.
“Motorcyclists are much more vulnerable than others sharing the road,” said OTS Director Christopher Murphy. “Motorcyclists require special skills and abilities to reduce the risk of being involved in a crash.”
He said the California Motorcyclist Safety program provides extensive training to riders. More information is available at http://www.ca-msp.org/ or (877) 743-3411.
Tuesday’s crackdown is being funded through a National Highway Traffic Safety Administration grant.

U.S. lawmaker introduces bill to stop funding for motorcycle-only checkpoints

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A U.S. lawmaker has introduced a bill to not only end funding for motorcycle-only checkpoints but also to put more emphasis on motorcycle safety programs, the American Motorcyclist Association reports.
On May 7, U.S. Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) introduced H.R. 1861 to prohibit the U.S. Transportation Department from providing funds to state and local authorities for motorcycle-only checkpoints. The bill, called the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act, also has language to force U.S. transportation officials to focus motorcycle safety efforts on crash prevention programs rather than national helmet mandates.
"Current law states that highway safety plans must prevent accidents and reduce injuries," Sensenbrenner said. "The Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act would require highway safety plans to include programs that prevent accidents in order to reduce injuries and deaths resulting from accidents involving motor vehicles and motorcycles.
"This small change will make a significant impact because it highlights that preventing accidents is the best way to save motorcyclists' lives," he said.
For more information, go to www.americanmotorcyclist.com/rights/issueslegislation.

Support federal legislation to prohibit the funding of discriminatory motorcycle-only checkpoints

Urge your representative to support today!

On May 7, U.S. Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) introduced H.R. 1861, the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act. The bill will protect motorcyclists’ rights and promote crash prevention as the most effective use of taxpayer money to save motorcyclists’ lives.
The bill incorporates Sensenbrenner’s legislation (H.R. 904) introduced in the previous Congress. H.R. 904 would prohibit the U.S. Department of Transportation from providing funds to state and local authorities for the purpose of creating motorcycle-only checkpoints. ...

13NR13 - MRF News Release - Motorcycle Only Checkpoint Bill To Be Dropped

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MRF E-MAIL NEWS Motorcycle Riders Foundation
236 Massachusetts Ave. NE | Suite 510 | Washington, DC 20002-4980
202-546-0983 (voice) | 202-546-0986 (fax) | http://www.mrf.org

13NR13 - MRF News Release - Motorcycle Only Checkpoint Bill To Be Dropped

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 
16 April 2013
Contact:Jeff Hennie, Vice President of Government Ralations and Public Affairs
Motorcycle Only Checkpoint Bill To Be Dropped
The Motorcycle Riders Foundation (MRF) reports, Congressman Jim Sensenbrenner from Wisconsin, announced Monday, April 15th that he will file a bill to prohibit the federal funding of motorcycle only roadside checkpoints.
 Sensenbrenner had this to say in a "Dear Colleague" that is circulating in the House of Representatives. "In the 112th Congress, I introduced H.R. 904, a bill to prohibit the Department of Transportation (DOT) from providing funds to state and local authorities for the purpose of creating motorcycle only checkpoints. Section 1 of the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act contains the same language as H.R. 904. However, this bill also contains language to force the DOT to focus motorcycle safety efforts on crash prevention programs, not national helmet mandates."
The bill will officially be introduced on May 6, 2013 and get its official bill number then. However, we must start the push now. It's important to contact your sitting member of the House of Representatives and ask them to be an original cosponsor of this important legislation. Ask them to contact Congressman James Sensenbrenner and lend their support. An "Original Cosponsor" is someone who supports the bill before it is made public and is a way to strongly support a new bill.
The more original cosponsors the better. You can contact the US Capitol Switchboard at (202) 224-3121
The entire text of the Dear Colleague and the Bill are below.

STOP MOTORCYCLE CHECKPOINT FUNDING
Dear Colleague:
On May 6, I will introduce a bill to protect motorcyclists' rights and promote crash prevention as the most effective use of taxpayer money to save motorcyclists' lives. I ask for your support as an original cosponsor of the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act.

In the 112th Congress, I introduced H.R. 904, a bill to prohibit the Department of Transportation (DOT) from providing funds to state and local authorities for the purpose of creating motorcycle only checkpoints. Section 1 of the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act contains the same language as H.R. 904. However, this bill also contains language to force the DOT to focus motorcycle safety efforts on crash prevention programs, not national helmet mandates.

Section 3 of the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act amends Section 153 of Title 23 USC by removing "motorcycle helmets" from the title. This change will prohibit the DOT from providing grants to a State to enforce helmet laws. This will stop the DOT from manipulating State policies with federal money.

Section 4 of this bill amends Section 402 of Title 23 USC. Current law states that highway safety plans must prevent accidents and reduce injuries. The Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act would require highway safety plans to include programs that prevent accidents in order to reduce injuries and deaths resulting from accidents involving motor vehicles and motorcycles. This small change will make a significant impact because it highlights that preventing accidents is the best way to save motorcyclists' lives.

Please contact Todd Washam
( todd.washam@mail.house.govThis email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. to cosponsor this bill. I look forward to your support on this important issue.

Sincerely,

F. James Sensenbrenner, Jr.
MEMBER OF CONGRESS
A BILL
To stop motorcycle checkpoint funding, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ''Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act''.
SEC. 2. GRANT RESTRICTION.
The Secretary of Transportation may not provide a grant or any funds to a State, county, town, or township, Indian tribe, municipal or other local government to be used for any program to check helmet usage or create checkpoints for an operator of motorcycle or passenger on a motorcycle.
SEC. 3. MOTORCYCLE SAFETY.
Section 153 of title 23, United States Code, is amended-
(1) in the section heading by striking ''and motorcycle helmets'';
(2) in subsection (a) by striking ''such fiscal year-'' and everything that follows through ''(2) a law'' and inserting ''such fiscal year a law'';
(3) in subsection (b) by striking ''State laws'' each place it appears and inserting ''a State law'';
(4) in subsection (f) by amending paragraphs(2) and (3) to read as follows:
''(2) SECOND-YEAR GRANTS.-A State is eligible for a grant under this section in a fiscal year succeeding the first fiscal year in which a State receives a grant under this section only if the State in the preceding fiscal year had in effect at all times a State law described in subsection (a) and achieved a rate of compliance with such law of not less than 50 percent. ''(3) THIRD-YEAR GRANTS.-A State is
eligible for a grant under this section in a fiscal year succeeding the second fiscal year in which a State receives a grant under this section only if the State in the preceding fiscal year had in effect at all times a State law described in subsection (a) and achieved a rate of compliance with such law of not less than 70 percent.''

SEC. 4. HIGHWAY SAFETY PROGRAMS.
Section 402(a)(2)(A) of title 23, United States Code, is amended by striking clause(iv) and inserting the following:
''(iv) to prevent accidents in order to reduce injuries and deaths resulting from accidents involving motor vehicles and motorcycles;''.

USA - Bill Introduced: Will Effectively End Motorcycle-Only Checkpoints

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Congressman J. Sensenbrenner introduced H R 1861 on May 7th. Please call your congressman at the U S Capitol Switchboard at 202-224-3121 ask them to support this!!!
By

http://cdn2.xmotorcycle.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Police_Motorcycle_checkpoint.jpg
A U.S. lawmaker has introduced a bill to not only end funding for motorcycle-only checkpoints but also to put more emphasis on motorcycle safety programs, the American Motorcyclist Association reports.
On May 7, U.S. Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) introduced H.R. 1861 to prohibit the U.S. Transportation Department from providing funds to state and local authorities for motorcycle-only checkpoints. The bill, called the Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act, also has language to force U.S. transportation officials to focus motorcycle safety efforts on crash prevention programs rather than national helmet mandates.
“Current law states that highway safety plans must prevent accidents and reduce injuries,” Sensenbrenner said. “The Stop Motorcycle Checkpoint Funding Act would require highway safety plans to include programs that prevent accidents in order to reduce injuries and deaths resulting from accidents involving motor vehicles and motorcycles.
“This small change will make a significant impact because it highlights that preventing accidents is the best way to save motorcyclists’ lives,” he said.

BABE`s OF THE DAY

Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer

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Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer
PoliceCrimes.com Breaking News and Top Stories


Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer
by WaTcHeR
Read what rights you have when dealing with a police officer http://www.policecrimes.com/police.html

Washington — The Supreme Court retreated from strict enforcement of the famous Miranda decision on Tuesday, ruling that a crime suspect's words could be used against him if he failed to clearly invoke his rights clearly and, instead, answered a single question.

In the past, the court has said the "burden rests on the government" to show that a crime suspect has "knowingly and intelligently waived" his rights.

But in a 5-4 decision Tuesday, the court said that a citizen must invoke his rights. If he fails to do so, anything he says can be used to convict him, the justices said.

Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote that police were "not required to obtain a waiver" of the suspect's "right to remain silent before interrogating him."

In this case, Michigan police had informed the suspect, Van Thompkins, of his rights, including the right to remain silent. Thompkins said he understood, but he did not tell the officer he wanted to stop the questioning or speak to a lawyer.

But he sat in a chair and said nothing for about two hours and 45 minutes. At that point, the officer asked, "Do you pray to God to forgive you for shooting that boy down?"

"Yes," Thompson said and looked away. He refused to sign a confession or speak further, but he was convicted of first-degree murder, based largely on his one-word reply.

The U.S. 6th Circuit Court of Appeals overturned Thompkins' conviction on the grounds that the use of the incriminating answer violated his right against self-incrimination under the Miranda decision.

The Supreme Court reversed that ruling of a lower court ruling and reinstated the conviction. "A suspect who has received and understood the Miranda warnings and has not invoked his Miranda rights waives the right to remain silent by making an uncoerced statement to the police," Kennedy said. He was joined by Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and Justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas and Samuel A. Alito Jr.

The court ruled that an ambiguous situation would be treated in favor of the police.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent longer than the majority opinion, argued that the majority misread precedent and reached beyond the facts of the case to impose a tough new rule against defendants.

"Today's decision turns Miranda upside down," Justice Sotomayor wrote. "Criminal suspects must now unambiguously invoke their right to remain silent—which, counter intuitively, requires them to speak."

Justices John Paul Stevens, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen G. Breyer joined her dissent.

The majority ruling is in line with the position taken by the Obama administration and Supreme Court nominee U.S. Solicitor General Elena Kagan. In December, she filed a brief on the side of Michigan prosecutors and argued that "the government need not prove that a suspect expressly waived his rights."

She said that "if a suspect knows and understands his Miranda rights," anything he says can be used against him in court."Cops that lie, need to die!" A police officer that lies to get an arrest or send someone to prison should be shot.

"In the U.S., a cop with a gun can commit the most heinous crime and be given the benefit of the doubt."

"The U.S. Government does not have rights, it has privileges delegated to it by the people."
WaTcHeR
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Re: Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer
by WaTcHeR » 02 Aug 2010, Mon 8:30 pm

Supreme Court trims Miranda warning rights: `Death by a thousand cuts' says defense attorney

You have the right to remain silent, but only if you tell the police that you're remaining silent.

You have a right to a lawyer — before, during and after questioning, even though the police don't have to tell you exactly when the lawyer can be with you. If you can't afford a lawyer, one will be provided to you. Do you understand these rights as they have been read to you, which, by the way, are only good for the next two weeks?

The Supreme Court made major revisions to the now familiar Miranda warnings this year. The rulings will change the ways police, lawyers and criminal suspects interact amid what experts call an attempt to pull back some of the rights that Americans have become used to over recent decades.

The high court has made clear it's not going to eliminate the requirement that police officers give suspects a Miranda warning, so it is tinkering around the edges, said Jeffrey L. Fisher, co-chair of the amicus committee of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers.

"It's death by a thousand cuts," Fisher said. "For the past 20-25 years, as the court has turned more conservative on law and order issues, it has been whittling away at Miranda and doing everything it can to ease the admissibility of confessions that police wriggle out of suspects."

The court placed limits on the so-called Miranda rights three times during the just-ended session. Experts viewed the large number of rulings as a statistical aberration, rather than a full-fledged attempt to get rid of the famous 1966 decision. The original ruling emerged from police questioning of Ernesto Miranda in a rape and kidnapping case in Phoenix. It required officers to tell suspects taken into custody that they have the right to remain silent and to have a lawyer represent them, even if they can't afford one.

The court's three decisions "indicate a desire to prune back the rules somewhat," Kent Scheidegger, the legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, a victims' rights group. "But I don't think any overruling of Miranda is in the near future. I think that controversy is pretty much dead."

The Supreme Court in 2000 upheld the requirement that the Miranda warning be read to criminal suspects.

This year's Supreme Court decisions did not mandate changes in the wording of Miranda warnings read by arresting police officers. The most common version is now familiar to most Americans, thanks to television police shows: "You have the right to remain silent. Anything you say can and will be used against you in a court of law. You have the right to speak to an attorney. If you cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed to you. Do you understand these rights as they have been read to you?"

However, the court did approve one state version of the Miranda warnings that did not specifically inform suspects that they had a right to have a lawyer present during their police questioning.

The Miranda warning used in parts of Florida told suspects: "You have the right to talk to a lawyer before answering any of our questions. If you cannot afford to hire a lawyer, one will be appointed for you without cost and before any questioning. You have the right to use any of these rights at any time you want during this interview."

Lawyers — and the Florida Supreme Court — said that didn't make clear that lawyers can be present as the police are doing their questioning. But Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, writing the 7-2 majority decision, said all the required information was there.

"Nothing in the words used indicated that counsel's presence would be restricted after the questioning commenced," Ginsburg said. "Instead, the warning communicated that the right to counsel carried forward to and through the interrogation."

The next day, the court unanimously limited how long Miranda rights are valid.

The high court said for the first time that a suspect's request for a lawyer is good for only 14 days after the person is released from police custody. The 9-0 ruling pulled back from an earlier decision that said that police must halt all questioning for all time if a suspect asks for a lawyer.

Police can now attempt to question a suspect who asked for a lawyer — once the person has been released from custody for at least two weeks — without violating the person's constitutional rights and without having to repeat the Miranda warning.

"In our judgment, 14 days will provide plenty of time for the suspect to get reacclimated to his normal life, to consult with friends and counsel and to shake off any residual coercive effects of his prior custody," said Justice Antonin Scalia, who wrote the majority opinion.

And finally, the court's conservatives used their 5-4 advantage to rule that suspects must break their silence and tell police they are going to remain quiet if they want to invoke their "right to remain silent" and stop an interrogation, just as they must tell police that they want a lawyer.

All the criminal suspect needs to say is he or she is remaining silent, wrote Justice Anthony Kennedy. "Had he made either of these simple, unambiguous statements, he would have invoked his 'right to cut off questioning.' Here he did neither, so he did not invoke his right to remain silent."

But Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the majority's decision "turns Miranda upside down."

"American citizens must now unambiguously invoke their right to remain silent — which counter intuitively requires them to speak." "At the same time, suspects will be legally presumed to have waived their rights even if they have given no clear expression of their intent to do so."

Police officers will look at these decisions and incorporate them into their training, said James Pasco of the National Fraternal Order of Police. "Officers are expected to adapt to changes required by the Supreme Court," Pasco said. "This will be no different."

But Fisher thinks the court's Miranda decisions will make it easier for police to get confessions out of people who don't want to confess. "Those decisions open up ways for cops to work around Miranda," Fisher said.


http://rawstory.com/rs/2010/0802/expert ... k-miranda/"Cops that lie, need to die!" A police officer that lies to get an arrest or send someone to prison should be shot.

"In the U.S., a cop with a gun can commit the most heinous crime and be given the benefit of the doubt."

"The U.S. Government does not have rights, it has privileges delegated to it by the people."
WaTcHeR
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Re: Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer
by WaTcHeR » 02 Aug 2010, Mon 8:31 pm

When U.S. law enforcement officials captured suspected Times Square bomber Faisal Shahzad, they did the unthinkable: They read him his Miranda rights. Despite the fact that Shahzad continued to cooperate after the reading of his rights, defense hawks criticized the move as soft on terrorism. Now, one member of Congress has introduced a startling solution:

The bill filed Thursday by Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) would change federal law by creating a procedure to question a suspected terrorist for up to four days before taking him or her to court without jeopardizing prosecutors’ ability to use statements made by a suspect during that time.

It would also express Congress’s view that authorities can delay reading Miranda warnings “for as long as is necessary” to elicit intelligence from a terror suspect.

The White House has yet to take a position on Schiff's bill, but you can bet Attorney General Eric Holder will like what he sees.

Under the bill, the attorney general or the director of national intelligence or their top deputies could certify to a court that an individual is a terrorism suspect and “may be able to provide intelligence to protect the public safety.” In such cases, authorities could question the individual for up to 48 hours without facing an automatic presumption that the statements couldn’t be used in court. A judge or magistrate could extend the period for another 48 hours “for good cause shown.”

While "for good cause shown" sounds like the legal equivalent of "just for fun," Ben Wittes, an analyst at the Brookings Institution, said he liked the bill, except for the only-four-days-of-detention part.

Wittes also said 48 to 96 hours really doesn’t give interrogators much time to talk to a suspect. “If you’re going to do this, you might as well give the government more time than that,” the Brookings expert said.

That's right, federal authorities "might as well" gain the power to hold and question suspected criminals for extended periods of time. While one would expect less hawkishness from a bill written by a California Democrat, the fact that Schiff is up for re-election against this guy puts things in context. When your opponent lists his first two credentials as "former military, former law enforcement," it's time to move to the right, no matter how misguided curtailing prisoners' rights may be.

The bill filed Thursday by Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) would change federal law by creating a procedure to question a suspected terrorist for up to four days before taking him or her to court without jeopardizing prosecutors’ ability to use statements made by a suspect during that time.

It would also express Congress’s view that authorities can delay reading Miranda warnings “for as long as is necessary” to elicit intelligence from a terror suspect.

The White House has yet to take a position on Schiff's bill, but you can bet Attorney General Eric Holder will like what he sees.

Under the bill, the attorney general or the director of national intelligence or their top deputies could certify to a court that an individual is a terrorism suspect and “may be able to provide intelligence to protect the public safety.” In such cases, authorities could question the individual for up to 48 hours without facing an automatic presumption that the statements couldn’t be used in court. A judge or magistrate could extend the period for another 48 hours “for good cause shown.”

While "for good cause shown" sounds like the legal equivalent of "just for fun," Ben Wittes, an analyst at the Brookings Institution, said he liked the bill, except for the only-four-days-of-detention part.

Wittes also said 48 to 96 hours really doesn’t give interrogators much time to talk to a suspect. “If you’re going to do this, you might as well give the government more time than that,” the Brookings expert said.

That's right, federal authorities "might as well" gain the power to hold and question suspected criminals for extended periods of time. While one would expect less hawkishness from a bill written by a California Democrat, the fact that Schiff is up for re-election against this guy puts things in context. When your opponent lists his first two credentials as "former military, former law enforcement," it's time to move to the right, no matter how misguided curtailing prisoners' rights may be.


http://reason.com/blog/2010/08/02/those ... y-coming-t"Cops that lie, need to die!" A police officer that lies to get an arrest or send someone to prison should be shot.

"In the U.S., a cop with a gun can commit the most heinous crime and be given the benefit of the doubt."

"The U.S. Government does not have rights, it has privileges delegated to it by the people."
WaTcHeR
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Posts: 8268
Joined: 04 Mar 2007, Sun 1:25 pm
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Re: Supreme Court Says Never Speak to a Police Officer
by WaTcHeR » 25 Mar 2011, Fri 7:42 pm

New rules allow investigators to hold domestic-terror suspects longer than others without giving them a Miranda warning, significantly expanding exceptions to the instructions that have governed the handling of criminal suspects for more than four decades.

The move is one of the Obama administration's most significant revisions to rules governing the investigation of terror suspects in the U.S. And it potentially opens a new political tussle over national security policy, as the administration marks another step back from pre-election criticism of unorthodox counterterror methods.

The Supreme Court's 1966 Miranda ruling obligates law-enforcement officials to advise suspects of their rights to remain silent and to have an attorney present for questioning. A 1984 decision amended that by allowing the questioning of suspects for a limited time before issuing the warning in cases where public safety was at issue.

That exception was seen as a limited device to be used only in cases of an imminent safety threat, but the new rules give interrogators more latitude and flexibility to define what counts as an appropriate circumstance to waive Miranda rights.

Matthew Miller, a Justice Department spokesman, said the memo ensures that "law enforcement has the ability to question suspected terrorists without immediately providing Miranda warnings when the interrogation is reasonably prompted by immediate concern for the safety of the public or the agents." He said "the threat posed by terrorist organizations and the nature of their attacks—which can include multiple accomplices and interconnected plots—creates fundamentally different public safety concerns than traditional criminal cases."

The new guidelines could blunt criticism from Republicans, many of whom have pushed for terror suspects to be sent to military detention, where they argue that rigid Miranda restrictions don't apply. But many liberals will likely oppose the move, as might some conservatives who believe the administration doesn't have legal authority to rein in such rights.

The Justice Department believes it has the authority to tinker with Miranda procedures. Making the change administratively rather than through legislation in Congress, however, presents legal risks.

New York Republican Peter King, chairman of the House homeland-security committee, is among the lawmakers who welcomed Mr. Holder's call to change Miranda. At a hearing last year, Mr. King said, "It's important that we ensure that the reforms do go forward and that at the very least the attorney general consults with everyone in the intelligence community before any Miranda warning is given."

The Miranda protocols have been controversial since the high court formalized a practice that was already in use by the FBI, albeit not uniformly. Conservatives have long argued that the warning impedes law enforcement's ability to protect the public.

President Barack Obama has grappled with a web of terrorism policies cobbled together since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

Before becoming president, Mr. Obama had criticized the Bush administration for going outside traditional criminal procedures to deal with terror suspects, and for bypassing Congress in making rules to handle detainees after 9/11. He has since embraced many of the same policies while devising additional ones—to the disappointment of civil-liberties groups that championed his election. In recent weeks, the administration formalized procedures for indefinitely detaining some suspects at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, allowing for periodic reviews of those deemed too dangerous to set free.

The Bush administration, in the aftermath of 9/11, chose to bypass the Miranda issue altogether as it crafted a military-detention system that fell outside the rules that govern civilians. Under Mr. Bush, the government used Miranda in multiple terror cases. But Mr. Bush also ordered the detention of two people in a military brig as "enemy combatants." The government eventually moved both suspects—Jose Padilla, a U.S. citizen, and Ali al-Marri, a Qatari man—into the federal criminal-justice system after facing legal challenges. In other cases, it processed suspects through the civilian system.

An increase in the number of domestic-terror cases in recent years has made the issue more pressing.

The Miranda change leaves other key procedures in place, notably federal rules for speedy presentation of suspects before a magistrate, normally within 24 hours. Legal experts say those restrictions are bigger obstacles than Miranda to intelligence gathering. The FBI memo doesn't make clear whether investigators seeking exemptions would have to provide a Miranda warning at the time of such a hearing.

Also unchanged is the fact that any statements suspects give during such pre-Miranda questioning wouldn't be admissible in court, the memo says.

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1000142 ... 19898.html"Cops that lie, need to die!" A police officer that lies to get an arrest or send someone to prison should be shot.

"In the U.S., a cop with a gun can commit the most heinous crime and be given the benefit of the doubt."

"The U.S. Government does not have rights, it has privileges delegated to it by the people."


Never talk to a police officer even if he hasn’t read your Miranda Rights to you. There’s no law that requires you to answer any questions a police officer or a Federal agent ask.

Knowledge

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Educate yourself

Before doing anything it’s important that you have a solid foundation and a clearly defined goal, without which you may be acting aimlessly or even counter-productively. Review content here on CopBlock.org and expose yourself to content and ideas shared elsewhere. Ask questions. Think for yourself.
If you have suggestions about content that should be included here please let us know: http://www.copblock.org/contact

Badges don’t grant extra rights

Can an action illegitimate for you suddenly become legitimate when done by another simply because they have on their chest an ounce of tin? It shouldn’t, but many act as if this is the case. This (bad) idea, when accepted, bestows upon some stranger the “right” to initiate force. Replace that bad idea with one more commonsensical: Individuals are responsible for their actions no matter their attire or place of employment.
True, individuals working in law enforcement might mean well, but they’re hamstrung by perverse incentives. Their claimed monopoly means no one is held accountable, nor can it ever be “fixed” through internal investigations. If you see a police officer doing something wrong for you to do, call them out, record and share. Transparency is key. Failure to act after witnessing even the most trivial of transgressions only bestows upon such actions tacit consent and sets the stage for even more egregious actions.
Stop acting as if those wearing badges have extra rights – they don’t. You know this. See through the charade and think for yourself. Good people are standing up for their rights and connecting with and supporting others. Cease looking to an external authority and govern your own life.
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RULES OF ENGAGEMENT........One thing I hope every one realizes is that the cops can and do lie.

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agingrebel.com

Sometimes, despite your best efforts, the cops get involved. Maybe someone else called the cops, maybe you felt the situation warranted their involvement, or maybe they showed up at the scene. However they got involved, they’re not going to go away just because you don’t want to deal with them so it’s time to use your head.
A few years ago, I would have said that the first rule in dealing with the cops is to remain calm, keep your cool and don’t lose your temper. Now that’s rule number 2. With the ubiquity of recording devices that we all carry around in our pockets (cell phones), the first rule when dealing with the police is to RECORD EVERYTHING! If you’re in a public place, the police have no expectation of privacy so you can record them (except in Illinois). Check your state and local laws, but in general, you’re allowed to record. The police will tell you that you can’t record but we all know the police will lie to you. If you can, have your recording streamed to one of the several on line services available; that’s even better. And obviously video and audio are better than just audio; but take what you can get.

The second rule in dealing with the police is to STAY CALM, keep your cool and don’t lose your temper. No matter how right you are, losing your temper is likely to result in getting cuffed, pepper sprayed, beat, shot, arrested or some combination of all of those. Don’t yell at them, swear at them, give them the finger, or provoke them. Treat them as you would a business client you don’t like. That’s not to say that in order to avoid their wrath you need to compromise anything but if you do end up being caged, there’s a better likelihood that your arrest for “contempt of cop” will not result in any charges sticking if you can substantiate a claim of not guilty of disorderly conduct (which is usually just contempt of cop). Remaining calm and being peaceful is no guarantee that you’re not going to be the victim of abuse; however, you’re more likely to prevail if you don’t act out of anger.

The third rule is, NEVER TALK TO THE POLICE. You should never say anything to them that is not absolutely required by law. It is NEVER in your best interest to give them information. Rather than explain further, I would like to insist that you watch Part I and Part II of this video. Watch the whole thing, it’s worth your time. This rule would have been number one, but if you don’t follow the first two rules, this one could be moot. If you lose your temper with the cops, you’re going to say things that could be used against you later. Furthermore, without a recording, they can falsify your statements.

The fourth rule is, NEVER CONSENT TO A SEARCH. It doesn’t matter if you have nothing to hide. Refusing to consent to a search is your right and court after court has ruled that refusing a search is not probable cause for a search. If the cops tell you to empty your pockets, ask if you’re being detained. If not, you are free to go; just walk away. Unless I’m mistaken, you are never required to empty your pockets, although if they place you under arrest, they might empty them for you. The point is, consenting to a search only opens you up to more trouble. The cops reading this of course will tell you that if you have nothing to hide, consenting to search only helps the process, removes suspicion and moves them on their way faster. Remember, cops lie. Sometimes, if you don’t consent to a search, they’ll bring in the drug sniffing dogs and then signal them to “alert” which means they’ve found something. Then they will search your car claiming probable cause. They will do this to harass you and waste your time. If they’re going to waste your time though, you can waste theirs by demanding that a supervisor comes to the scene. When you do this, a supervisor must come and they cannot leave until that time. Complain to the supervisor about being harassed without probable cause.

The fifth rule is to LEAVE AS SOON AS POSSIBLE. Ask if you’re being detained; if you’re not, leave. Also, familiarize yourself with the Terry Stop rules. The longer you stick around, the higher the probability is that you will be the victim of some police misconduct, even if you were the one that called the cops.

The sixth rule is, NEVER LET THEM IN YOUR HOUSE without a warrant. In fact, without a warrant, you’re not even required to open the door or say anything at all to them. Just tell them you have nothing to say to them and you would prefer that they leave. Once you invite them in, you have opened your home to a search.

The seventh and last rule is KNOW YOUR RIGHTS. The more your know your rights and assert them (calmly) to the police, the more likely they are to leave you alone. They are bullies and bullies pick on weak, frightened, easily intimidated people. Don’t be one of them. Stay in tune with CopBlock.org and other sources that report on police misconduct and your civil liberties.

These rules not only apply to the police, they apply to any government agent that decides to interfere in your life. If Child Protective Services comes to your door and demands to speak to your children or inspect your home, tell them to leave unless they have a warrant. In fact, feel free to be a little more rude to them than the cops since they don’t have arrest powers.

Also, these are general rules that apply to almost every situation. There are probably dozens of rules related to much more specific situations. If you can think of a few more general rules, please leave them in the comments


The Blog can be reached at  bikersofamerica.blogspot.com

Don’t Talk To Cops Ever

There are, to paraphrase a common biker saying, two kinds of people: Those who have been arrested and those who will be.
The video below, published here at the urging of a reader, presents a brief primer on the pitfalls of talking to the police. It runs almost 50 minutes but if you have not yet been arrested it is worth that investment of your time.
The recording is of a presentation made to law students at the Regent University chapter of the Federalist Society in Virginia Beach, Virginia. March 14, 2008. The lecture was titled “In Praise of the Fifth Amendment: Why No Criminal Suspect Should Ever Talk to the Police.” If you have not already memorized the advice it contains you should probably watch the video and take notes.
The first speaker is Regent Law Professor James Duane. The second speaker is Suffolk County Virginia Commonwealth Attorney George W. Bruch. At the time of the recording Bruch was a detective for the Virginia Beach Police Department.

COMMENT`S
 A very good video, Rebel. You’ve provided a public service by sharing this. One thing I hope every one realizes is that the cops can and do lie. The cop can tell you he’s investigating a (fictitious) murder in Slingshit, North Carolina when they really want you to admit to being in Bumfucked, Tennesee on a particular night. Sometimes they just want you to add a piece to a puzzle you don’t even know exists.
  1. There was a guy in prison when I was in, probably still is. The cops found a dead woman in a public bathroom downtown, rounded up everybody in the area not wearing a suit and tie. One of them was a retarded man. They promised him he could go home if he would confess to killing her and the retarded guy, having been told by his parents that the police were his friends, did so. Who knows whether or not the guy really did it. Then, after his parents hired appeals lawyers who won the appeals in Federal court, and while the US marshals were at the front gate of Perry Correctional Institution to enforce a court order that he be released, a department of corrections official told the guy that if he was retried and convicted, he’s have to go back through R&E as a new prisoner, might be assigned to a different prison, and would lose his “A” custody status. This guy allowed the SCDC to slip him to the Greenville County Courthouse, where he pled guilty. Even though the time had elapsed for the state to retry him and the marshals were there to enforce an order that he be released!
  2. It didn’t surprise me that the retarded guy was that stupid, after all, that’s why they called him retarded instead of a genius. The rest of us should be smarter. So many people are not.

Laws of the United States

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The United States Constitution, the supreme law of the United States

The United States Code, the codification of federal statutory law

The Code of Federal Regulations, the codification of federal administrative law
The law of the United States consists of many levels[1] of codified and uncodified forms of law, of which the most important is the United States Constitution, the foundation of the federal government of the United States. The Constitution sets out the boundaries of federal law, which consists of constitutional acts of Congress, constitutional treaties ratified by Congress, constitutional regulations promulgated by the executive branch, and case law originating from the federal judiciary.
The Constitution and federal law are the supreme law of the land, thus preempting conflicting state and territorial laws in the fifty U.S. states and in the territories.[2] However, the scope of federal preemption is limited, because the scope of federal power is itself rather limited. In the unique dual-sovereign system of American federalism (actually tripartite[3] when one includes Indian reservations), states are the plenarysovereigns, while the federal sovereign possesses only the limited supreme authority enumerated in the Constitution.[4] Indeed, states may grant their citizens broader rights than the federal Constitution as long as they do not infringe on any federal constitutional rights.[5][6] Thus, most U.S. law (especially the actual "living law" of contract, tort, criminal, and family law experienced by the majority of citizens on a day-to-day basis) consists primarily of state law, which can and does vary greatly from one state to the next.[7][8]
At both the federal and state levels, the law of the United States was originally largely derived from the common law system of English law, which was in force at the time of the Revolutionary War.[9][10] However, U.S. law has diverged greatly from its English ancestor both in terms of substance and procedure, and has incorporated a number of civil law innovations.

Contents

 [hide

[edit]General overview

[edit]Sources of law

In the United States, the law is derived from four sources. These four sources are constitutional law, statutory law, administrative regulations, and the common law (which includes case law).[11] The most important source of law is the United States Constitution. All other law falls under and are subordinate to that document. No law may contradict the Constitution..

[edit]Constitutionality

Where Congress enacts a statute that conflicts with the Constitution, the Supreme Court may find that law unconstitutional and declare it invalid.[12]
Notably, a statute does not disappear automatically merely because it has been found unconstitutional; it must be deleted by a subsequent statute. Many federal and state statutes have remained on the books for decades after they were ruled to be unconstitutional. However, under the principle of stare decisis, no sensible lower court will enforce an unconstitutional statute, and any court that does so will be reversed by the Supreme Court. Conversely, any court that refuses to enforce a constitutional statute (where such constitutionality has been expressly established in prior cases) will risk reversal by the Supreme Court.[13][14]

[edit]American common law

The United States and most Commonwealth countries are heirs to the common law legal tradition of English law.[15] Certain practices traditionally allowed under English common law were expressly outlawed by the Constitution, such as bills of attainder[16] and general search warrants.[17]
As common law courts, U.S. courts have inherited the principle of stare decisis.[18] American judges, like common law judges elsewhere, not only apply the law, they also make the law, to the extent that their decisions in the cases before them become precedent for decisions in future cases.[19]
The actual substance of English law was formally "received" into the United States in several ways. First, all U.S. states except Louisiana have enacted "reception statutes" which generally state that the common law of England (particularly judge-made law) is the law of the state to the extent that it is not repugnant to domestic law or indigenous conditions.[20] Some reception statutes impose a specific cutoff date for reception, such as the date of a colony's founding, while others are deliberately vague.[21] Thus, contemporary U.S. courts often cite pre-Revolution cases when discussing the evolution of an ancient judge-made common law principle into its modern form,[21] such as the heightened duty of care traditionally imposed upon common carriers.[22]
Second, a small number of important British statutes in effect at the time of the Revolution have been independently reenacted by U.S. states. Two examples that many lawyers will recognize are the Statute of Frauds (still widely known in the U.S. by that name) and the Statute of 13 Elizabeth (the ancestor of the Uniform Fraudulent Transfers Act). Such English statutes are still regularly cited in contemporary American cases interpreting their modern American descendants.[23]
However, it is important to understand that despite the presence of reception statutes, much of contemporary American common law has diverged significantly from English common law.[24] The reason is that although the courts of the various Commonwealth nations are often influenced by each other's rulings, American courts rarely follow post-Revolution Commonwealth rulings unless there is no American ruling on point, the facts and law at issue are nearly identical, and the reasoning is strongly persuasive.
Early on, American courts, even after the Revolution, often did cite contemporary English cases. This was because appellate decisions from many American courts were not regularly reported until the mid-19th century; lawyers and judges, as creatures of habit, used English legal materials to fill the gap.[25] But citations to English decisions gradually disappeared during the 19th century as American courts developed their own principles to resolve the legal problems of the American people.[26] The number of published volumes of American reports soared from eighteen in 1810 to over 8,000 by 1910.[27] By 1879, one of the delegates to the California constitutional convention was already complaining: "Now, when we require them to state the reasons for a decision, we do not mean they shall write a hundred pages of detail. We [do] not mean that they shall include the small cases, and impose on the country all this fine judicial literature, for the Lord knows we have got enough of that already."[28]
Today, in the words of Stanford law professor Lawrence Friedman: "American cases rarely cite foreign materials. Courts occasionally cite a British classic or two, a famous old case, or a nod to Blackstone; but current British law almost never gets any mention."[29] Foreign law has never been cited as binding precedent, but merely as a reflection of the shared values of Anglo-American civilization or even Western civilization in general.[30]

[edit]Levels of law

[edit]Federal law

Federal law originates with the Constitution, which gives Congress the power to enact statutes for certain limited purposes like regulating interstate commerce. Nearly all statutes have been codified in the United States Code. Many statutes give executive branch agencies the power to create regulations, which are published in the Federal Register and codified into the Code of Federal Regulations. Regulations generally also carry the force of law under the Chevron doctrine. Many lawsuits turn on the meaning of a federal statute or regulation, and judicial interpretations of such meaning carry legal force under the principle of stare decisis.
In the beginning, federal law traditionally focused on areas where there was an express grant of power to the federal government in the federal Constitution, like the military, money, foreign affairs (especially international treaties), tariffs, intellectual property (specifically patents and copyrights), and mail. Since the start of the 20th century, aggressive interpretations of the Commerce and Spending Clauses of the Constitution have enabled federal law to expand into areas like aviation, telecommunications, railroads, pharmaceuticals, antitrust, and trademarks. In some areas, like aviation and railroads, the federal government has developed a comprehensive scheme that preempts virtually all state law, while in others, like family law, a relatively small number of federal statutes (generally covering interstate and international situations) interacts with a much larger body of state law. In areas like antitrust, trademark, and employment law, there are powerful laws at both the federal and state levels that coexist with each other. In a handful of areas like insurance, Congress has enacted laws expressly refusing to regulate them as long as the states have laws regulating them (see, e.g., the McCarran-Ferguson Act).
Under the doctrine of Erie Railroad Co. v. Tompkins (1938), there is no general federal common law. Although federal courts can create federal common law in the form of case law, such law must be linked one way or another to the interpretation of a particular federal constitutional provision, statute, or regulation (which in turn was enacted as part of the Constitution or after). Federal courts lack the plenary power possessed by state courts to simply make up law, which the latter are able to do in the absence of constitutional or statutory provisions replacing the common law. Only in a few narrow limited areas, like maritime law,[31] has the Constitution expressly authorized the continuation of English common law at the federal level (meaning that in those areas federal courts can continue to make law as they see fit, subject to the limitations of stare decisis).
The other major implication of the Erie doctrine is that federal courts cannot dictate the content of state law when there is no federal issue (and thus no federal supremacy issue) in a case. When hearing claims under state law pursuant to diversity jurisdiction, federal trial courts must apply the statutory and decisional law of the state in which they sit, as if they were a court of that state,[32] even if they believe that the relevant state law is irrational or just bad public policy.[33] And under Erie, deference is one-way only: state courts are not bound by federal interpretations of state law.[34]
If this was not confusing enough, state courts are not bound to follow judicial interpretations of federal law from the federal courts that sit in a state, including federal courts of appeals and district courts (that is, the intermediate appellate courts and trial courts).[35] There is only one federal court that binds all state courts as to the interpretation of federal law and the federal Constitution: the U.S. Supreme Court itself.[36]

[edit]Federal statutory enactment and codification

After the President signs a bill into law (or Congress enacts it over his veto), it is delivered to the Office of the Federal Register (OFR) of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) where it is assigned a law number, and prepared for publication as a slip law.[37] Public laws, but not private laws, are also given legal statutory citation by the OFR. At the end of each session of Congress, the slip laws are compiled into bound volumes called the Statutes at Large, and they are known as session laws. The Statutes at Large present a chronological arrangement of the laws in the exact order that they have been enacted.
Public laws are incorporated into the United States Code, which is a codification of all general and permanent laws of the United States. The main edition is published every six years by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the House of Representatives, and cumulative supplements are published annually.[38][39] The U.S. Code is arranged by subject matter, and it shows the present status of laws with amendments already incorporated in the text that have been amended on one or more occasions.

[edit]Federal regulatory promulgation and codification

Congress often enacts statutes that grant broad rulemaking authority to federal agencies. Often, Congress is simply too gridlocked to draft detailed statutes that explain how the agency should react to every possible situation, or Congress believes the agency's technical specialists are best equipped to deal with particular fact situations as they arise. Therefore, federal agencies are authorized to promulgate regulations. Under the principle of Chevron deference, regulations normally carry the force of law as long as they are based on a reasonable interpretation of the relevant statutes.
Regulations are adopted pursuant to the Administrative Procedure Act. Regulations are first proposed and published in the Federal Register (FR or Fed. Reg.) and subject to a public comment period. Eventually, after a period for public comment and revisions based on comments received, a final version is published in the Federal Register. The regulations are codified and incorporated into the Code of Federal Regulations (CFR) which is published once a year on a rolling schedule.
Besides regulations formally promulgated under the APA, federal agencies also frequently promulgate an enormous amount of forms, manuals, policy statements, letters, and rulings. These documents may be considered by a court as persuasive authority as to how a particular statute or regulation may be interpreted, but are not entitled to Chevron deference.

[edit]Formulation of federal precedent

Unlike the states, there is no plenary reception statute at the federal level that continued the common law and thereby granted federal courts the power to formulate legal precedent like their English predecessors. Federal courts are solely creatures of the federal Constitution and the federal Judiciary Acts.[40] However, it is universally accepted that the Founding Fathers of the United States, by vesting "judicial power" into the Supreme Court and the inferior federal courts in Article Three of the United States Constitution, thereby vested in them the implied judicial power of common law courts to formulate persuasive precedent; this power was widely accepted, understood, and recognized by the Founding Fathers at the time the Constitution was ratified.[41] Several legal scholars have argued that the federal judicial power to decide "cases or controversies" necessarily includes the power to decide the precedential effect of those cases and controversies.[42]
The difficult question is whether federal judicial power extends to formulating binding precedent through strict adherence to the rule of stare decisis. This is where the act of deciding a case becomes a limited form of lawmaking in itself, in that an appellate court's rulings will thereby bind itself and lower courts in future cases (and therefore also impliedly binds all persons within the court's jurisdiction). Prior to a major change to federal court rules in 2007, about one-fifth of federal appellate cases were published and thereby became binding precedents, while the rest were unpublished and bound only the parties to each case.[41]
As Judge Alex Kozinski has explained, binding precedent as we know it today simply did not exist at the time the Constitution was framed.[41] Judicial decisions were not consistently, accurately, and faithfully reported on both sides of the Atlantic (reporters often simply rewrote or failed to publish decisions which they disliked), and the United Kingdom lacked a coherent court hierarchy prior to the end of the 19th century.[41] Furthermore, English judges in the eighteenth century subscribed to now-obsolete natural law theories of law, by which law was believed to have an existence independent of what individual judges said. They saw themselves as merely declaring the law which had always theoretically existed, not making it.[41] Therefore, a judge could reject another judge's opinion as simply an incorrect statement of the law, like how scientists regularly reject each other's conclusions as incorrect statements of the laws of science.[41]
The contemporary rule of binding precedent became possible in the U.S. in the nineteenth century only after the creation of a clear court hierarchy (under the Judiciary Acts), and the beginning of regular verbatim publication of U.S. appellate decisions by West Publishing.[41] It gradually developed case-by-case as an extension of the judiciary's public policy of effective judicial administration (that is, in order to efficiently exercise the judicial power).[41] It is generally justified today as a matter of public policy, first, as a matter of fundamental fairness, and second, that in the absence of case law, it would be completely unworkable for every minor issue in every legal case to be briefed, argued, and decided from first principles (such as relevant statutes, constitutional provisions, and underlying public policies), which in turn would create hopeless inefficiency, instability, and unpredictability, and thereby undermine the rule of law.[43][44]
Here is a typical exposition of that public policy in a 2008 majority opinion signed by Associate Justice Stephen Breyer:
Justice Brandeis once observed that 'in most matters it is more important that the applicable rule of law be settled than that it be settled right.' Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 393, 406 (1932) (dissenting opinion). To overturn a decision settling one such matter simply because we might believe that decision is no longer 'right' would inevitably reflect a willingness to reconsider others. And that willingness could itself threaten to substitute disruption, confusion, and uncertainty for necessary legal stability. We have not found here any factors that might overcome these considerations.[45]

However, since precedents became binding, it is now sometimes possible, over time, for a line of them to drift away from the express language of any underlying statutory or constitutional texts, until such texts are severely overloaded with implied meanings not even hinted at on their face. This tendency towards so-called judicial lawmaking has been particularly obvious in federal substantive due process decisions. Due to obvious tension with the reservation of legislative power to Congress in Article One of the United States Constitution, it is often subject to harsh criticism as "antidemocratic" from originalists such as Associate Justice Antonin Scalia, as in this 2000 dissenting opinion:
In imposing its Court-made code upon the States, the original opinion at least asserted that it was demanded by the Constitution. Today’s decision does not pretend that it is–and yet still asserts the right to impose it against the will of the people’s representatives in Congress. Far from believing that stare decisis compels this result, I believe we cannot allow to remain on the books even a celebrated decision–especially a celebrated decision–that has come to stand for the proposition that the Supreme Court has power to impose extraconstitutional constraints upon Congress and the States. This is not the system that was established by the Framers, or that would be established by any sane supporter of government by the people.[46]

[edit]State law


Volumes of the Thomson West annotated version of the California Penal Code, the codification of criminal law in the state of California

The Restatement (Second) of Torts, a highly influential restatement of United States tort law
The fifty American states are separate sovereigns with their own state constitutions, state governments, and state courts (including state supreme courts).[47] They retain plenary power to make laws covering anything not preempted by the federal Constitution, federal statutes, or international treaties ratified by the federal Senate. Normally, state supreme courts are the final interpreters of state constitutions and state law, unless their interpretation itself presents a federal issue, in which case a decision may be appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court by way of a petition for writ of certiorari.[48]
Most cases are litigated in state courts and involve claims and defenses under state laws. Each year, only about 280,000 civil and criminal cases are heard in federal courts, as opposed to 27.5 million civil and criminal cases in state courts (these numbers exclude 858,000 federal bankruptcy cases, and in state courts, 4.5 million domestic, 1.7 million juvenile, and 55 million traffic cases).[49]
The law of most of the states is based on the common law of England; the notable exception is Louisiana, whose civil law is largely based upon French and Spanish law. The passage of time has led to state courts and legislatures expanding, overruling, or modifying the common law; as a result, the laws of any given state invariably differ from the laws of its sister states.
All states have a legislative branch which enacts state statutes, an executive branch that promulgates state regulations pursuant to statutory authorization, and a judicial branch that applies, interprets, and occasionally overturns both state statutes and regulations, as well as local ordinances.
All states have codified some or all of their statutory law into legal codes. Codification was an idea borrowed from the civil law through the efforts of American lawyer David Dudley Field.[50]New York's codes are known as "Laws." California and Texas simply call them "Codes." Other states use terms such as "Revised Statutes" or "Compiled Statutes" for their compilations. California, New York, and Texas have separate subject-specific codes, while all other states and the federal government use a single code divided into numbered titles.
In some states, codification is often treated as a mere restatement of the common law, to the extent that the subject matter of the particular statute at issue was covered by some judge-made principle at common law. Judges are free to liberally interpret the codes unless and until their interpretations are specifically overridden by the legislature.[51] In other states, there is a tradition of strict adherence to the plain text of the codes.
The advantage of codification is that once the state legislature becomes accustomed to writing new laws as amendments to an existing code, the code will usually reflect democratic sentiment as to what the current law is (though the entire state of the law must always be ascertained by reviewing case law to determine how judges have interpreted a particular codified statute).
In contrast, in jurisdictions with uncodified statutes, like the United Kingdom, determining what the law is can be a more difficult process. One has to trace back to the earliest relevant Act of Parliament, and then identify all later Acts which amended the earlier Act, or which directly overrode it. For example, when the UK decided to create a Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, lawmakers had to identify every single Act referring to the House of Lords that was still good law, and then amend all of those laws to refer to the Supreme Court.[52]

[edit]Attempts at "uniform" laws

Efforts by various organizations to create "uniform" state laws have been only partially successful. The two leading organizations are the American Law Institute (ALI) and the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws (NCCUSL). The most successful and influential uniform laws are the Uniform Commercial Code (a joint ALI-NCCUSL project) and the Model Penal Code (from ALI).
Apart from model codes, the American Law Institute has also created Restatements of the Law which are widely used by lawyers and judges to simplify the task of summarizing the current status of the common law. Instead of listing long, tedious citations of old cases that may not fit very well together (in order to invoke the long-established principles supposedly contained in those cases), or citing a treatise which may reflect the view of only one or two authors, they can simply cite a Restatement section (which is supposed to reflect the consensus of the American legal community) to refer to a particular common law principle.

[edit]Local law


Law affects every aspect of American life, including parking lots. Note the citations to statutes on the sign.
States have delegated lawmaking powers to thousands of agencies, townships, counties, cities, and special districts. And all the state constitutions, statutes and regulations (as well as all the ordinances and regulations promulgated by local entities) are subject to judicial interpretation like their federal counterparts.[53]
It is common for residents of major U.S. metropolitan areas to live under six or more layers of special districts as well as a town or city, and a county or township (in addition to the federal and state governments).[54] Thus, at any given time, the average American citizen is subject to the rules and regulations of several dozen different agencies at the federal, state, and local levels, depending upon one's current location and behavior.

[edit]Types of law

[edit]Procedural law

Traditionally, lawyers distinguish between procedural law (which controls the procedure followed by courts and parties to legal cases) and substantive law (which is what most people think of as law). In turn, procedural law is divided into criminal procedure and civil procedure.

[edit]Criminal procedure

The law of criminal procedure in the United States consists of a massive overlay of federal constitutional case law interwoven with the federal and state statutes that actually provide the foundation for the creation and operation of law enforcement agencies and prison systems as well as the proceedings in criminal trials. Due to the perennial inability of legislatures in the U.S. to enact statutes that would actually force law enforcement officers to respect the constitutional rights of criminal suspects and convicts, the federal judiciary gradually developed the exclusionary rule as a method to enforce such rights. In turn, the exclusionary rule spawned a family of judge-made remedies for the abuse of law enforcement powers, of which the most famous is the Miranda warning. The writ of habeas corpus is often used by suspects and convicts to challenge their detention, while the Civil Rights Act of 1871 and Bivens actions are used by suspects to recover tort damages for police brutality.

[edit]Civil procedure

The law of civil procedure governs process in all judicial proceedings involving lawsuits between private parties. Traditional common law pleading was replaced by code pleading in 24 states after New York enacted the Field Code in 1850, and code pleading in turn was subsequently replaced again in most states by modern notice pleading during the 20th century. The old English division between common law and equity courts was abolished in the federal courts by the adoption of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in 1938; it has also been independently abolished by legislative acts in nearly all states. The Delaware Court of Chancery is the most prominent of the small number of remaining equity courts.
35 states have adopted rules of civil procedure closely modeled after the FRCP (including rule numbers). However, in doing so, they had to make some modifications to account for the fact that state courts have broad general jurisdiction while federal courts have relatively limited jurisdiction.
New York, Illinois, and California are the most significant states that have not adopted the FRCP. Furthermore, both states continue to maintain their civil procedure laws in the form of codified statutes enacted by the state legislature, as opposed to court rules promulgated by the state supreme court, on the ground that the latter are undemocratic. But certain key portions of their civil procedure laws have been modified by their legislatures to bring them closer to federal civil procedure.[55]
Generally, American civil procedure has several notable features, including extensive pretrial discovery, heavy reliance on live testimony obtained at deposition or elicited in front of a jury, and aggressive pretrial "law and motion" practice designed to result in a pretrial disposition (that is, summary judgment) or a settlement. U.S. courts pioneered the concept of the opt-out class action, by which the burden falls on class members to notify the court that they do not wish to be bound by the judgment, as opposed to opt-in class actions, where class members must join into the class. Another unique feature is the so-called American Rule under which parties generally bear their own attorneys' fees (as opposed to the English Rule of "loser pays"), though American legislators and courts have carved out numerous exceptions.

[edit]Substantive law

Substantive law comprises the actual "substance" of the law; that is, the law that defines legally enforceable rights and duties, and what wrongful acts amount to violations of those rights and duties. Because substantive law by definition is enormous, the following summary briefly covers only a few highlights of each of the major components of American substantive law.

[edit]Criminal law

Criminal law involves the prosecution by the state of wrongful acts which are considered to be so serious that they are a breach of the sovereign's peace (and cannot be deterred or remedied by mere lawsuits between private parties). Generally, crimes can result in incarceration, but torts (see below) cannot. The majority of the crimes committed in the United States are prosecuted and punished at the state level. Federal criminal law focuses on areas specifically relevant to the federal government like evading payment of federal income tax, mail theft, or physical attacks on federal officials, as well as interstate crimes like drug trafficking and wire fraud.
All states have somewhat similar laws in regard to "higher crimes" (or felonies), such as murder and rape, although penalties for these crimes may vary from state to state. Capital punishment is permitted in some states but not others. Three strikes laws in certain states impose harsh penalties on repeat offenders.
Some states distinguish between two levels: felonies and misdemeanors (minor crimes). Generally, most felony convictions result in lengthy prison sentences as well as subsequent probation, large fines, and orders to pay restitution directly to victims; while misdemeanors may lead to a year or less in jail and a substantial fine. To simplify the prosecution of traffic violations and other relatively minor crimes, some states have added a third level, infractions. These may result in fines and sometimes the loss of one's driver's license, but no jail time.
For public welfare offenses where the state is punishing merely risky (as opposed to injurious) behavior, there is significant diversity across the various states. For example, punishments for drunk driving varied greatly prior to 1990. State laws dealing with drug crimes still vary widely, with some states treating possession of small amounts of drugs as a misdemeanor offense or as a medical issue and others categorizing the same offense as a serious felony.

[edit]Contract law

Contract law covers obligations established by agreement (express or implied) between private parties. Generally, contract law in transactions involving the sale of goods has become highly standardized nationwide as a result of the widespread adoption of the Uniform Commercial Code. However, there is still significant diversity in the interpretation of other kinds of contracts, depending upon the extent to which a given state has codified its common law of contracts or adopted portions of the Restatement (Second) of Contracts.
Parties are permitted to agree to arbitrate disputes arising from their contracts. Under the Federal Arbitration Act (which has been interpreted to cover all contracts arising under federal or state law), arbitration clauses are generally enforceable unless the party resisting arbitration can show unconscionability or fraud or something else which undermines the entire contract.

[edit]Tort law

Tort law generally covers any civil action between private parties arising from wrongful acts which amount to a breach of general obligations imposed by law and not by contract.
Tort law covers the entire imaginable spectrum of wrongs which humans can inflict upon each other, and of course, partially overlaps with wrongs also punishable by criminal law. Although the American Law Institute has attempted to standardize tort law through the development of several versions of the Restatement of Torts, many states have chosen to adopt only certain sections of the Restatements and to reject others. Thus, because of its immense size and diversity, American tort law cannot be easily summarized.
For example, a few jurisdictions allow actions for negligent infliction of emotional distress even in the absence of physical injury to the plaintiff, but most do not. For any particular tort, states differ on the causes of action, types and scope of remedies, statutes of limitations, and the amount of specificity with which one must plead the cause. With practically any aspect of tort law, there is a "majority rule" adhered to by most states, and one or more "minority rules."
Notably, the most broadly influential innovation of 20th century American tort law was the rule of strict liability for defective products, which originated with judicial glosses on the law of warranty. In 1963, Roger J. Traynor of the Supreme Court of California threw away legal fictions based on warranties and imposed strict liability for defective products as a matter of public policy in the landmark case of Greenman v. Yuba Power Products.[56] The American Law Institute subsequently adopted a slightly different version of the Greenman rule in Section 402A of the Restatement (Second) of Torts, which was published in 1964 and was very influential throughout the United States.[57] Outside the U.S., the rule was adopted by the European Economic Community in the Product Liability Directive of July 1985,[58] by Australia in July 1992,[59] and by Japan in June 1994.[60]
By the 1990s, the avalanche of American cases resulting from Greenman and Section 402A had become so complicated that another restatement was needed, which occurred with the 1997 publication of the Restatement (Third) of Torts: Products Liability.[61]

[edit]Exceptions

Much of Louisiana law is derived from French and Spanish civil law, which stems from its history as a colony of both France and Spain.[62]Puerto Rico, a former Spanish colony, is also a civil law jurisdiction of the United States.[63] However, the criminal law of both jurisdictions has been necessarily modified by common law influences and the supremacy of the federal Constitution.[64][65]
Furthermore, Puerto Rico is also unique in that it is the only U.S. jurisdiction in which the everyday working language of court proceedings, statutes, regulations, and case law is Spanish.[66] All states, the federal government, and most territories use American English as their working language.[67] Some states, such as California, do provide certain court forms in other languages (Chinese, Korean, Spanish, Vietnamese) for the convenience of immigrants and naturalized citizens.[68] But American law as developed through statutes, regulations, and case law is always in English, attorneys are expected to take and pass the bar examination in English, judges hear oral argument and give orders from the bench in English, and testimony and documents originating in other languages is translated into English before being incorporated into the official record of a case.[67]
Many states in the southwest that were originally Mexican territory have inherited several unique features from the civil law that governed when they were part of Mexico. These states include Arizona, California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Texas. For example, these states all have a community property system for the property of married persons (Idaho, Washington, and Wisconsin have also adopted community property systems, but they did not inherit them from a previous civil law system that governed the state).[69][70] Another example of civil law influence in these states can be seen in the California Civil Code, where the law of contracts is treated as part of the law of obligations (though the rules actually codified are clearly derived from the common law).[citation needed]
Many of the western states, including California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Wyoming use a system of allocating water rights known as the prior appropriation doctrine, which is derived from Spanish civil law.[71] It should be noted that each state has modified the doctrine to suit its own internal conditions and needs.[72]

[edit]See also

[edit]Lists

[edit]References

  1. ^See Stephen Elias and Susan Levinkind, Legal Research: How to Find & Understand The Law, 14th ed. (Berkeley: Nolo, 2005), 22.
  2. ^William Burnham, Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States, 4th ed. (St. Paul, MN: Thomson West, 2006), 41.
  3. ^Tonya Kowalski, "The Forgotten Sovereigns," 36 FSU Law. R. 765 (2009).
  4. ^United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S.549 (1995).
  5. ^Pruneyard Shopping Center v. Robins, 447 U.S.74 (1980).
  6. ^California v. Ramos, 463 U.S.992 (1983).
  7. ^Lawrence M. Friedman, A History of American Law, 3rd ed. (New York: Touchstone, 2005), 307 and 504-505.
  8. ^Graham Hughes, "Common Law Systems," in Fundamentals of American Law, ed. Alan B. Morisson, 9-26 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 33.
  9. ^Hughes, 12.
  10. ^Friedman, 4-5. Professor Friedman points out that English law itself was never completely uniform across England prior to the 20th century. The result was that the colonists recreated the legal diversity of English law in the American colonies.
  11. ^Paul Bergman and Sara J. Berman-Barrett, Represent Yourself In Court: How to Prepare & Try a Winning Case, 6th ed. (Berkeley: Nolo, 2008), 481.
  12. ^See Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (Cranch 1) 137 (1803).
  13. ^See Casarotto v. Lombardi, 886 P.2d 931, 940 (Mont. 1994) (Trieweiler, J., specially concurring), vacated and remanded by 515 U.S. 1129 (1995), reaff'd and reinstated by 901 P.2d 596 (Mont. 1995), rev'd sub nom. Doctor’s Assocs., Inc. v. Casarotto, 517 U.S. 681 (1996).
  14. ^Cavazos v. Smith, 565 U.S. __, __ (2011) (per curiam).
  15. ^Friedman, 67-69.
  16. ^U.S. Const., Art. 1, §§ 9 and 10.
  17. ^U.S. Const., Amend. IV.
  18. ^John C. Dernbach and Cathleen S. Wharton, A Practical Guide to Legal Writing & Legal Method, 2nd ed. (Buffalo: William S. Hein Publishing, 1994), 34-36.
  19. ^Antonin Scalia and Amy Gutmann, A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 3-13.
  20. ^Miles O. Price & Harry Bitner, Effective Legal Research: A Practical Manual of Law Books and Their Use, 3rd ed. (Buffalo: William Hein & Co., 1969), 272.
  21. ^ abIbid.
  22. ^See, e.g., Gomez v. Superior Court (Walt Disney Co.), 35 Cal. 4th 1125 (2005) (citing Lovett v. Hobbs, 89 Eng. Rep. 836 (1680)). The Gomez court relied on a line of cases originating with Lovett in order to hold that Disneyland was a common carrier.
  23. ^See, e.g., Phillippe v. Shapell Industries, 43 Cal. 3d 1247 (1987) (citing original Statute of Frauds from England) and Meija v. Reed, 31 Cal. 4th 657 (2003) (citing Statute of 13 Elizabeth).
  24. ^Burnham, 43-44.
  25. ^Friedman, 69.
  26. ^Elizabeth Gaspar Brown, "Frontier Justice: Wayne County 1796-1836," in Essays in Nineteenth-Century American Legal History, ed. Wythe Holt, 676-703 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976): 686. Between 1808 and 1828, the briefs filed in court cases in the Territory of Michigan changed from a complete reliance on English sources of law to an increasing reliance on citations to American sources.
  27. ^Friedman, 475.
  28. ^People v. Kelly, 40 Cal. 4th 106 (2006).
  29. ^Lawrence M. Friedman, American Law in the Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 575.
  30. ^See Lawrence v. Texas, 538 U.S. 558 (2003), in which the majority cited a European court decision, Dudgeon v. United Kingdom, 45 Eur. Ct. H. R. (1981), as indicative of the shared values of Western civilization.
  31. ^Romero v. International Terminal Operating Co., 358 U.S. 354, 360–361 (1959).
  32. ^Hughes, 13-14.
  33. ^Trident Center v. Connecticut Gen. Life Ins. Co., 847 F.2d 564 (9th Cir. 1988). In this opinion, federal judge Alex Kozinski attacked a 1968 Supreme Court of California opinion in exhausting detail before conceding that under Erie, he had no choice but to apply the state court's reasoning despite his strong dislike of it.
  34. ^Choate v. County of Orange, 86 Cal. App. 4th 312, 327-28 (2000).
  35. ^Yee v. City of Escondido, 224 Cal. App. 3d 1349, 1351 (1990).
  36. ^Elliot v. Albright, 209 Cal. App. 3d 1028, 1034 (1989).
  37. ^Public and Private Laws: About. United States Government Printing Office. http://www.gpoaccess.gov/plaws/about.html. 
  38. ^United States Code
  39. ^http://www.gpo.gov/help/about_united_states_code.htm
  40. ^Hughes, 13.
  41. ^ abcdefghHart v. Massanari, 266 F.3d 1155 (9th Cir. 2001), citing Anastasoff v. United States, 223 F.3d 898, vacated as moot on reh'g en banc, 235 F.3d 1054 (8th Cir. 2000).
  42. ^Michael J. Gerhardt, The Power of Precedent (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 59.
  43. ^Daniel A. Farber and Suzanna Sherry, Judgment Calls: Principle and Politics in Constitutional Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 70-71.
  44. ^Frederick Schauer, Precedent, 39 Stan. L. Rev. 571, 595-602 (1987).
  45. ^John R. Sand Gravel Co. v. United States, 552 U.S. 130, 139 (2008).
  46. ^Dickerson v. United States, 530 U.S.428 (2000) (Scalia, J., dissenting).
  47. ^U.S. Const., Amend. X.
  48. ^See 28 U.S.C. § 1257.
  49. ^Alan B. Morisson, "Courts," in Fundamentals of American Law, ed. Alan B. Morisson, 57-60 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 60.
  50. ^Burnham, 53.
  51. ^California is the supreme example of this position. Li v. Yellow Cab Co., 13 Cal. 3d 804 (1975).
  52. ^See Schedule 9, Constitutional Reform Act 2005, from the UK Office of Public Sector Information.
  53. ^See, e.g., Burton v. Municipal Court, 68 Cal. 2d 684 (1968) (invalidating Los Angeles city ordinance regulating motion picture theatres as an unconstitutional violation of freedom of speech as protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution).
  54. ^Osborne M. Reynolds, Jr., Local Government Law, 3rd ed. (St. Paul: West, 2009), 33.
  55. ^For example, Section 437c of the California Code of Civil Procedure was amended by the state legislature several times in the 1990s to bring California's summary judgment standard in line with Rule 56 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. See Aguilar v. Atlantic Richfield Co., 25 Cal. 4th 826, 849 (2001).
  56. ^Mark A. Kinzie & Christine F. Hart, Product Liability Litigation (Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning, 2002), 100-101. See also Greenman v. Yuba Power Products, Inc., 59 Cal. 2d 57 (1963).
  57. ^Kinzie & Hart, 101.
  58. ^Norbert Reich, Understanding EU Law: Objectives, Principles and Methods of Community Law (Antwerp: Intersentia, 2005), 337.
  59. ^Ellen E. Beerworth, "Australia," 51-74, in International Product Liability, vol. 1, ed. Christian Campbell (Salzburg: Yorkhill Law Publishing, 2006), 52.
  60. ^Patricia L. Maclachlan, Consumer Politics in Postwar Japan (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 226.
  61. ^"ALI Restatement of the Law Third, Torts: Products Liability". Ali.org. http://www.ali.org/ali_old/promo6081.htm. Retrieved 2009-12-26. 
  62. ^"How the Code Napoleon makes Louisiana law different". LA-Legal. http://www.la-legal.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=7. Retrieved 2011-12-09. 
  63. ^"Territorial Courts in the Federal Judiciary". Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts. 28 February 2011. http://www.uscourts.gov/News/NewsView/11-02-28/Territorial_Courts_in_the_Federal_Judiciary.aspx. Retrieved 9 December 2011. 
  64. ^U.S. Const. art. IV, § 3, cl. 2 ("The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States ...").
  65. ^Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244, 261 (1901), commenting on an earlier Supreme Court decision, Loughborough v. Blake, 18 U.S. (5 Wheat.) 317 (1820); Rasmussen v. United States, 197 U.S. 516, 529–530, 536 (1905)(concurring opinions of Justices Harlan and Brown), that once the Constitution has been extended to an area, its coverage is irrevocable; Boumediene v. Bush– That where the Constitution has been once formally extended by Congress to territories, neither Congress nor the territorial legislature can enact laws inconsistent therewith. The Constitution grants Congress and the President the power to acquire, dispose of, and govern territory, not the power to decide when and where its terms apply.
  66. ^Muñiz-Argüelles, Luis (1989). "The Status of Languages in Puerto Rico". Langue et droit [Language and Law] (Montreal: Wilson & Lafleur). http://muniz-arguelles.com/resources/The+status+of+languages+in+Puerto+Rico.pdf. Retrieved 9 December 2011. 
  67. ^ abHaviland, John B. (December 2003). "Ideologies of Language: Some Reflections on Language and U.S. Law". American Anthropologist. New Series 105 (4, Special Issue: Language Politics and Practices): 764–774. 
  68. ^[courts.ca.gov/documents/appendix_a.pdf "The California Rules of Court, Appendix A: Judicial Council Legal Forms List"]. Judicial Council of California / Administrative Office of the Courts. courts.ca.gov/documents/appendix_a.pdf. Retrieved 9 December 2011. 
  69. ^The half-borrowed term ganancial (from Sp sociedad de gananciales) was used in some early U.S. community property opinions, such as Stramler v. Coe, 15 Tex. 211, 215 (1855).
  70. ^Jean A. Stuntz, Hers, His, and Theirs: Community Property Law in Spain and Early Texas, (Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech University Press, 2005), 1-31.
  71. ^C. Wiel, Samuel (September 1915). "What Is Beneficial Use of Water?". California Law Review (California Law Review, Inc.) 3 (6): 460–475. http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/stable/3473933. 
  72. ^Castle, Anne J.. "Water Rights Law -- Prior Appropriation". Holland & Hart LLP. http://library.findlaw.com/1999/Jan/1/241492.html. Retrieved 9 December 2011. 

[edit]Further reading

  • Friedman, Lawrence M. American Law (1984)
  • Hall, Kermit L. et al. eds. The Oxford Companion to American Law (2002) excerpt and text search

[edit]Legal history

  • Friedman, Lawrence M. A History of American Law (3rd ed. 2005) 640 pp
  • Friedman, Lawrence M. American Law in the Twentieth Century (2002)
  • Hall, Kermit L. The Magic Mirror: Law in American History (1989)
  • Hall, Kermit L. et al. American Legal History: Cases and Materials (2010); 752 pages
  • Horwitz, Morton J. The transformation of American law: 1780 - 1860 (1977)
  • Horwitz, Morton J. The transformation of American law, 1870-1960: the crisis of legal orthodoxy (1994)
  • Howe, Mark de Wolfe, ed. Readings in American Legal History (2001) 540pp
  • Johnson, Herbert A. American legal and constitutional history: cases and materials (2001) 733 pp
  • Rabban, David M. (2003) "The Historiography of Late Nineteenth-Century American Legal History," Theoretical Inquiries in Law 4#2 Article 5. abstract
  • Schwartz, Bernard. The Law in America. (Evolution of American legal institutions since 1790). (1974).

[edit]Colonial

  • Gerber, Scott D. "Bringing Ideas Back In--A Brief Historiography of American Colonial Law," American Journal of Legal History, April 2011, 51#2 pp 359-374
  • Hoffer, Peter. Law and people in colonial America (1998) 193pp

[edit]Lawyers

  • Abel, Richard L. American Lawyers (1991)
  • Chroust, Anton-Hermann. The Rise of the legal profession in America (2 vol 1965), to 1860
  • Drachman, Virginia G. Sisters In Law: Women Lawyers in Modern American History (2001)
  • Nizer, Louis. My Life in Court. (1978) Popular description of a lawyer's practice
  • Vile, John R. Great American lawyers: an encyclopedia (2001)
  • Vile, John R. Great American judges: an encyclopedia (2003)
  • Wortman, Marlene Stein. Women in American Law: From colonial times to the New Deal (1985)

[edit]Philosophy of law

  • Cardozo, Benjamin N., ed. An Introduction to Law. (1957). essays by eight distinguished American judges
  • Hart, H.L.A. The Concept of Law. (1961). Classic text on "what is law?"
  • Llewellyn, Karl N. "The Bramble Bush," in Karl N. Llewellyn on Legal Realism. (1986). (Classic introductory text on the nature of law).
  • Pound, Roscoe. Social Control Through Law. (Nature of law and its role in society). (1942)

[edit]External links


NO SNITCHIN` NO SNOOPIN` NO RATTIN`

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Cover
Contents
Title Page
Copyright
Acknowledgements

This book is for you if ...
What exactly is a snitch?
What makes snitches so dangerous?

PART ONE: Recognizing and Avoiding Snitches

FIRST RULE: Learn and practice good security consciousness
Recognizing a snitch
What makes snitches so persuasive?
"Mere" snitching vs active entrapment
Dangerous myths about snitches and undercover agents
What to do if you believe a snitch is personally targeting you

PART TWO: A Snitch Uncovered

If you believe there's a snitch in your group
HISTORICAL ways of dealing with known snitches
How do YOU treat an exposed snitch?
Repairing the damage snitches do
Beware of accusing someone who might not be a snitch

PART THREE: WHAT HAPPENS IF YOU GET BUSTED?

You may be pressured to become a snitch
Do NOT talk to cops. Period.
The police officer is NOT your friend
The Prisoner's Dilemma
Mindset: The common territory between snitches and victims
What happens if you refuse to snitch?
What happens if you become a snitch — and regret it?
What happens to you if you snitch and your friends find out?
The rest of your life if you do snitch

Appendix 1: The Reid Interrogation TechniqueTM
Appendix 2: Some Commonsense OpSec
Appendix 3: Line up a lawyer
Appendix 4: Other helpful resources




Rats! Your guide to protecting yourself against snitches, informers, informants, agents provocateurs, narcs, finks, and similar vermin is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commerical-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License.
That mouthful means that it is okay to copy and distribute this booklet for non-commercial purposes as long as you attribute it to the original source. Feel free. Go for it. Have at it. Spread the word.
On the other hand, you may not alter or add to the text in any way.
And you may not reproduce or distribute any part of this work for commercial purposes, period. Do not do either of those things.


Acknowledgements

I intended to acknowledge the dozens of people who contributed to this book. Given its touchy subject matter, I figured I'd use only their online nyms, not real names. But, sadly, almost everyone I asked responded, "Don't mention me!"
Such is the nature of the police state.
So the only contributors credited anywhere in the book are those who wrote items especially for this project or whose comments on my blog, Living Freedom I reprinted here. Their nyms appear with their contributions.
Despite the lack of credits, this book was truly a collaborative project. Contributors included lawyers, former cops, security specialists, political activists, members of the drug culture, business executives in "sensitive" fields, outlaw bikers, and in a couple of cases people whose identities are so deeply secret that I couldn't credit them even if I wanted to. (To guard against the possibility of any snitch sympathizer planting misleading information, outlaws, former snitch victims, and lawyers checked the text after more "official" folk had their say. I'm relieved to state that, while many people added valuable information as the book grew, nobody in this very experienced crowd spotted anything false or suspiciously "coppish.")
Contributors came from all walks of life — from the ultra-respectable to the underground. All shared the same goal of helping non-violent people save themselves from snitches and — hopefully, someday — ending the corrupt and evil "snitch culture." Once I pulled the book together with all that help, an anonymous proofreader and a friendly layout artist took it from there. There are two people I am allowed to credit: cover designer Keith Perkins and illustrator Travis Halverson, whose "no rattin'" drawing you'll find at the end of the book.
Each and every contributor was a volunteer. This book couldn't have happened without them.


This book is for you if ...

You are a non-violent person engaged in any activity that may be controversial, illegal, or merely "sensitive" or unconventional. These days, anything out of the ordinary can make you a target.
Some people who could use this book:
  • Anti-war or environmental activists
  • Recreational drug users
  • Participants in the underground economy or anybody who does business in cash
  • Critics of local or national powers-that-be
  • Anyone whose profession involves "sensitive" information or activities
  • Gun owners or dealers
  • Third-party or "fringe" political activists
  • Hobbyists who work with dangerous materials
  • Photographers/videographers
  • Religious dissidents
  • People with offshore or unconventional investments (including perfectly legitimate ones)
It doesn't matter where you fall in the political spectrum or even if you're apolitical. If police might target you or your activities, you need to understand how snitches could mess up your life.

This book is NOT for you if ...

You aim to commit violence against innocent people. In that case, reporting on you isn't snitching, it's self defense.


What exactly is a snitch?

There are a lot of different types of snitches. We could write an encyclopedia defining them. But we're going to keep this simple.
For purposes of the book, a snitch is anybody who inserts him- or herself into your non-violent activities on behalf of government. "Government" may mean local cops. It could also mean the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, or a host of other state or federal agencies. It's absolutely mind-boggling how many seemingly innocuous agencies these days have arrest powers, armed enforcers — and snitches employed in sneaky sting operations. And thousands of them use snitches.
There are two common categories of snitch you need to look out for:
The infiltrator/agent provocateur. This is someone (often a professional) who is inserted into a group for an active purpose, such as disrupting the group, or worst, talking formerly innocent (or at least formerly non-violent) people into committing crimes in order to bust them. Agents provocateurs may, among other things, try to turn non-violent protest into violent action, thus discrediting movements, giving excuses for crackdowns, and giving more publicity and power to government agencies.
The informer/informant. This snitch is often a legitimate member of a group or social circle who continues to be active while giving information to the police. This person may be acting under duress (to save his own skin after being arrested, for instance). This person may be hoping the cops will pay with money, drugs, or ongoing criminal immunity for her dubious "services." While this person isn't necessarily a professional agent provocateur, he may nevertheless try to talk friends into committing crimes so he can get more credibility or rewards from his police handlers.
These aren't the only types of snitches. For example, there's also what we'll call the "accidental snitch"— though idiot snitch might be more appropriate. This is the person who simply can't keep her mouth shut about illegal or controversial activities. Cops love these guys! They don't even have to threaten them, pay them, hire them, train them, or gain any leverage over them. They just sit back and listen to them reveal secrets.
Then there's the type of snitch the British call a grass and old American gangsters might have called a stool pigeon. This is a person who blabs to cops or other government agents after you (and probably he) have already been arrested. This person isn't going to interfere with your activities; that's already been done. He's "only" going to give sworn affidavits and courtroom testimony against you, justifying it as a means of saving his own skin. There's not much you can do about this person. By the time you learn one of your former friends is a "stoolie," it's too late.
There are vengeance snitches— people who turn on friends and associates after having a falling out or not getting their way. There are jailhouse snitches— either deliberately planted in your cell after you've been arrested or just opportunists who happen to be there and are willing to share whatever you say (or make up lies about things you said).
Each and every one of these people is a betrayer of friendship and trust. All of them are just plain rats— and they're as welcome in the company of good people as rats are in a pantry.
To keep things simple we're going to call them all snitches — though we'll differentiate when we need to help you look out for specific problems.


What makes snitches so dangerous?

Snitches are everywhere and their use is growing. In many cases, genuine police investigations into actual crimes are almost a thing of the past. Government agents just round up some snitches, get them to lie or arm-twist them into spying and — voila!— an instant and easy case against virtually anyone they want to target. Sometimes they get everything they need from some anonymous person who makes false accusations via a tips hotline.
Snitches (and cops) lie all the time and get away with it. So do prosecutors and virtually all government investigators. Good luck "proving your innocence" if some liar says you were part of a drug deal, laundered money, plotted to blow up a bridge, or asked him to help you murder somebody. Never mind that, in our legal system, the government is supposed to have to prove your guilt; that's become a quaint notion.
Snitches damage individuals, organizations, and movements even before they actually rat on anybody. The mere fear of them destroys trust, friendship, and cohesiveness. Some are deliberately inserted into groups to cause exactly that sort of chaos and dissension.
They tarnish otherwise legitimate political movements. When the media reports that members of Group X or Movement Y have been caught running drugs or guns or plotting to dump toxic chemicals in a reservoir, guess what sticks in the public's mind — your legitimate goals or the "fact" that you're a bunch of terrorist whackos? Later, when it comes out that the entire plot was a fiction created by an agent provocateur who got a few marginal members to go along with a scheme the government itself cooked up, hardly anyone notices. All they think is, "Oh, Group X; yeah, they're a bunch of violent loonies. Thank God the FBI saved us from them."
A fact to remember
This book could help you avoid becoming the victim of a snitch. It could even help you avoid being pressured into becoming a snitch yourself.
But there are NO guarantees. Snitches are effective precisely because they're so hard to detect.
Snitches prey on the naive and unsuspecting and on misplaced friendship. No book is a substitute for common sense and healthy skepticism. You have a brain: USE IT.
You have a gut. When it tells you you're in danger, BELIEVE IT.
They send people to prison. Sometimes innocent people. Often the victims of snitches have committed "crimes" that are much less serious than those of the snitch himself. A snitch is often either a real scumbag who's in the pay of police or a formerly decent person trying to save herself (or family members or friends) from a long prison sentence by getting others to commit crimes.
They may literally cost you your life, your fortune, and your sacred honor. Not to mention your family, your freedom, your friends, your job, your savings, and your reputation. And don't imagine that "mere" innocence will protect you. The more innocent you are, the more you're likely to be blindsided and hurt by one of these betrayers — because innocent, naive people make easy targets.
They corrupt entire cultures. Think of East Germany under the STASI or the old Soviet Union. Literally husbands couldn't trust their wives. Parents couldn't trust their children. Brothers couldn't trust brothers because so many were reporting to the state. Now, some countries that knew the horror of snitch culture forbid or limit the use of snitches. At the same time, formerly free nations are relying on snitches for everything and encouraging every moron in the land to "see something and say something."


PART ONE

Recognizing and Avoiding Snitches



FIRST RULE:

Learn and practice
good security consciousness

The military calls this OpSec — Operational Security. It means conducting yourself in such a way as not to give away secrets or walk stupidly into avoidable dangers.
  • Don't talk about secret or illegal activities outside your group.
  • Within your group, talk about them only to people who have a need to know.
  • Keep groups small. Maybe even as small as a "cell of one."
  • Attorney safety tip:
    A lawyer who consulted on this book says:
    "When dealing with police, prosecutors or their agents, do NOT base your theory-of-the-game on TV, movies, or other sources. Or on constitutional theory you may have learned in school. The other side is playing for keeps and to them rules are irrelevant inconveniences. Ask Bradley Manning."
  • If you use email, encrypt it. Not only that, but encrypt all email you possibly can, not just email containing sensitive material. Encrypt your cute cat jokes and your discussions of last night's favorite TV show (that way you don't call special attention to your most confidential exchanges).
  • Do not post sensitive material on social media (a no-brainer, but apparently some still do it).
  • Do not post sensitive material on social media even when your privacy settings allow only "friends" to see it. A 2012 court ruling said it's perfectly okay for those "friends" to turn around and show your allegedly private info to government agents.
  • Do not talk to cops or indeed any government agents — about anything. Ever. The most innocent remarks can be used against you. The "nicest" cop is still not your friend. (We'll have more on this in Part Three and in the appendixes. This is extremely important!)
  • Know the laws, potential sentences, and likely prosecutorial practices against any crimes you're committing. Do not be caught unprepared.
  • Tip from experience:
    This comes from a friend of mine who spent "the worst two weeks" of his life in jail, courtesy of a snitch: "Don't hang with people who are dishonest or lie, even in small, unimportant things. They have no honor to lose and everything they say and do is based on profit or benefit to them."
  • If you're a political activist, keep your nose clean in other ways. For instance, if you're an anti-drug-war activist, don't sell drugs on the side. Don't make yourself an easy target for spurious (or worse, real) criminal charges.
  • Unless you actually want to be arrested to become a test case (a dangerous but sometimes useful tactic), then do everything you can to avoid giving anyone ammunition to tarnish you or your cause.
  • Do your best to make sure your associates also follow good security practices.
  • Get yourself away from associates who are blabbermouths, boasters, loose-lipped drunks, or "friends" who insist on posting their (and your) every activity on the Internet.
  • We repeat: GET YOURSELVES AWAY from anybody who can't keep his mouth shut!


Recognizing a snitch

While some clumsy snitches are obvious, many more are nearly impossible to recognize. What follows are only guidelines. Use them as an aid to your own brain and your own gut, but understand that when you organize with others to do controversial things, you very probably will have at least one snitch in your midst. There is simply no group that cannot be infiltrated. The longer you continue and/or the more controversial your activities, the more likely you are to attract one or more rats.
Some typical things snitches and/or agents provocateurs do:
  • A stranger or casual acquaintance tries to get you to do or advise on illegal activities.
  • A friend suddenly starts pushing you to do or advise on illegal things.
  • A person joins your group and statements he/she makes about his/her background just don't add up.
  • A person joins your group and starts stirring up trouble and creating divisions.
  • A person joins your group and is overly eager to be useful, to pay for the group's activities, to initiate activities, supply equipment, to escalate dangerous activities, etc.
  • Someone goes out of his way to gain your trust, to be really buddy-buddy with you. Then, when you resist getting into dubious activities, he drops all interest in you (he's looking for an easier mark).
  • Advice from the underground
    This ultra-basic piece of advice goes back at least to the agitators of the 1960s. Yet people still get entrapped by ignoring it: "You can always tell the FBI agent. He's the one who's trying to get you to bomb something."
  • You're asked to do illegal or dubious business with a "friend of a friend." This is a big one. It's amazing how many "friends of friends" (where controversial activities are involved) are actually undercover cops.
  • Someone asks you to do something illegal or dangerous that he could just as easily do himself or have done elsewhere.
  • Someone starts agitating to have your group do something outside the group's purposes. ("Hey, we just run a little of this 'stuff' across the border and it'll make us a lot of money that we can use to do good.")
  • An older, "more experienced" person joins your group or circle and soon becomes a counselor of sorts to the youngest, most edgy, most insecure, most angry, or most naive members. He "cuts them out of the herd" in order to pull them into illegal plots. (This is a classic tactic of the agent provocateur.)
  • Anyone in your group starts agitating for violent action. People who agitate for illegal activities may be snitches; or they may be genuine fools who will attract snitches.
These are not the only ways snitches get you in trouble. But they're among the most common ones.
On the other hand, appearances can be deceiving.
An online commentator who goes by the handle Bulucanagria recalls:
Some years ago I was returning from a job interview. I was changing buses in downtown Cincinnati when I saw that there was a hemp rally about to begin. Naturally I stayed on to enjoy the festivities.
Coming from a job interview I was dressed casually, but rather nicely; slacks, button down shirt, decent shoes. Also, I'm a fairly large white guy with short hair, my preference because when my hair grows out I look like a used Q-tip.
So, I'm standing at the back of the crowd when a band comes on to warm up the crowd. The singer intros the song by saying, "This is dedicated to all the undercover cops out there today ..." and about a dozen people turn and look at me with knowing expressions. I had to laugh out loud!
The first speaker comes out (Gatewood Galbraith RIP), and soon some naif sparks up a joint ... and is immediately arrested by the tie-dyed, long-hair, bearded hippie! Again I couldn't help myself and laughed out loud. I've smoked my share of The Devil's Lettuce but sometimes potheads just ain't too bright.
My point is that another potential sign of a plant is somebody who seems to match all the stereotypes of the group you're in. The agent involved may be smart and subtle enough to provide a nuanced portrayal of a "fellow traveler," or he may be an ignorant jackwagon who believes all the hype put out by his overlords and thinks of his quarry as cartoon characters. It's true that stereotypes become so by generally being true, but it's doubtful that any one individual would embrace them all.
Again, this seems like something a savvy person would already understand but, since we're trying to explain these things to ignorant fools (i.e. me 30 years ago), I thought I'd share.


What makes snitches so persuasive?

Snitches, especially professional agents provocateurs, can be master manipulators. Many otherwise-smart people have been drawn into their traps because they failed to recognize not only the specific techniques listed in the last section but because they failed to understand the psychology of snitchery and entrapment.
Case in point: Steve Haug
Haug is one of the agents provocateurs the FBI planted with the Hutaree Militia — a group that basically did not do much while its members spouted unpleasant political rhetoric. Haug inserted himself so persuasively into the group that he became the best man at the leader's wedding.
And all the while he was recording hundreds of hours of conversations and aggressively trying to get the group to cook up a "bomb plot." A judge eventually threw out all the major charges, but not until some Hutaree members had spent two years in jail awaiting trial.
* * *
It's also worth noting: One of the other snitches who helped bring down the Hutaree was a mouthy radio-show host called Hal Turner. Turner used another infamous tactic of snitches; he constantly urged, and even threatened, violence against public officials. All the while he was on the air, rousing dimwits into a frenzy, he was also a paid FBI informant, reporting on the very people he was inciting. And that's not at all unusual or surprising.
  • Snitches play on your trust and/or your desire to go along with others.
  • They may appeal to your loyalty or your fear or some other emotion ("You won't do it? Wow, and here I thought you were one of us." "C'mon, if you had any guts you'd do this." "How are we ever going to change things if we don't take radical action?")
  • They may literally "cut from the herd" the most naive, trusting, foolish, or discontent of your associates, isolate them, and psychologically manipulate them into committing crimes.
  • They may pretend to be your friend. — especially a friend in need. ("I know you don't usually deal, but couldn't you just sell me a little from your stash?" "Look, just help me get this money out of the country; it's no big deal." "Hey, I know you have a machine shop in your garage; how about helping me cut down the barrel on this shotgun? I'll pay you.")
  • They may actually be your friend — but a friend who has gotten into legal trouble and has turned to snitching to save themselves from a long prison sentence. (Same sorts of urgings as in the last bullet point, but this time coming from somebody for whom that wouldn't be characteristic behavior.)
  • They may make it easy to commit crimes by not only pushing the idea, but actually supplying the funding, the equipment, the transportation, and the planning for the crime. They may come across as natural leaders ("Trust me, I know how to do this!")
  • They may make hyper-strong appeals to your cause — then use the leverage they gain to make equally strong appeals for committing crimes.
  • They often play upon a normal human desire to want to DO something - which is likely why, if you're a political person, you're a member of the group in the first place.
  • And finally — let's never forget — some snitches play on that most basic instinct of all — S.E.X. Spy agencies have known this as long as there have been spy agencies. The KGB used to call it "the sparrow trick"; get a red-blooded heterosexual male up close with an attentive, manipulative female and said male will eventually whisper all manner of secrets into her ear. These days, it probably works the other way around, too. And no doubt homosexual attraction can blind eyes and loosen lips just as effectively.
Another point to remember about snitches
This comes from "just waiting," who also contributed the excellent primer on interrogation that you'll find in the appendices. He notes: "While all snitches are cowards, not all snitches are wimps or sissies. Just because we talk about them as lesser beings doesn't mean some of them aren't tough as nails — fighters and brawlers.
"If nothing else, snitches show a very developed sense of self-preservation and a willingness to do anything to save their own ass. Being a rat doesn't diminish their ability to fight, it just changed their tactics and focus temporarily."
So beware: Another way snitches can be dangerous is to physically hurt you if you get in their way.


"Mere" snitching vs active entrapment

Back in the late sixties or thereabouts, there was a federal case in which Treasury agents latched on to a printer who was willing to fantasize about doing some counterfeiting. Undercover Treasury agents encouraged him to really do it. Despite being a printer, he didn't have the special plates required to print money. So the Treasury agents provided them. Then he didn't have the special paper required to print money. So the Treasury agents provided it. And so on.
Times have changed...not for the better
In a Playboy article, James Bovard wrote: "Up until the early Seventies, defendants often successfully challenged entrapment as a violation of due process. But in 1973, the Supreme Court, in an opinion written by Chief Justice William Rehnquist, gutted most defenses against government entrapment by focusing almost solely on the 'subjective disposition' of the entrapped person. If prosecutors can find any inkling of a defendant's disposition to the crime, went Rehnquist's logic, then the person is guilty, no matter how outrageous or abusive the government agents' behavior. Justice William Brennan dissented, warning that the decision could empower law enforcement agents to 'round up and jail all 'predisposed' individuals.'"
A judge tossed the case. And rightly so. There would never have been a crime, had the federal agents not provided the means and a big chunk of the motivation. That's entrapment.
Today, that dumb sap of a printer would be in prison for a long, long, time. As Bovard says, standards have changed. Although a jury will occasionally decide that some act of entrapment is so outlandish they'll refuse to convict (do an Internet search on "FCPA Africa Sting" for a great example), victims of entrapment have ended up serving decades in prison for going along with plots cooked up entirely by government agents. Even those eventually found not guilty may lose everything in the effort to save themselves.
With courts allowing more and more acts that would once have been considered illegal entrapment, more and more "mere" snitches are using their wiles to talk people into illegal deeds and are even providing the means and money to carry those deeds out. The lines between "mere" snitches and agents provocateurs are blurring.
Beware of anybody who not only wants you to commit illegal acts but goes out of his way to "help" you do so!


Dangerous myths about
snitches and undercover agents

There are two huge myths about snitches, narcs, undercover agents and other cop-associated rats that you'll hear all the time. The people spouting this BS always sound as if they know it for a fact. But the only fact is that they're misinformed — and are dangerously misinforming you.
Here are the two myths:
Myth #1: If you ask if someone is a narc, they have to tell you.
NO they don't. The myth holds that if you say, "Are you a narc?" or "Are you a cop?" and the person replies, "No," then they can never, ever bust you. Baloney! Every variety of snitch can look you straight in the eye and say, "I'm not a snitch" — then turn right around and land you in jail. Court cases around the nation - a search engine is your friend, here - have affirmed the "right" of government agents to lie to their targets. Which brings us to:
Myth #2: Cops are never allowed to lie to you.
OMFG, cops — and all kinds of other government agents — lie and they lie and they lie. And in nearly every case the courts allow them to get away with it.
But that brings up a related subject. Increasingly, you can get in trouble for lying to them. Even an innocent and harmless misstatement can be twisted into a prison sentence for you (search on "Martha Stewart prison" for an example).
There are a few sorts of lies that are so egregious that if a police officer tells them the case against you may be thrown out of court (attorney Jamie Spencer gives an example here). But only after you've been busted, scared out of your wits, deprived of your property, and perhaps driven into bankruptcy.
Attorney safety tip:
A day or two spent in jail because of a frustrated government agent beats a lifetime spent there because of a verbal misstep.
So just remember: Cops and other government agents are the most evil liars in the world — because they have power to hurt you, they'll use it ruthlessly, and they know they can get away with almost anything. If you know, or even have good reason to suspect that someone is a cop or any sort of government agent, DO NOT TALK TO THEM. About anything. Don't try to outwit them. Do not try to turn the tables on them. Don't even talk about the weather around them. The only things you ever want to say to a cop are things like, "Am I free to go?," "I do not consent to a search," or "I will not speak to you without an attorney present."


What to do if you believe a
snitch is personally targeting you

Let's assume that you suspect — but aren't sure — that someone in your circle is a snitch. And worse, you think the person is, or even might be, targeting you. What do you do?
  • Again, get away from the person
  • Do not try to outsmart the person
  • Do not feed the person false information (because if that person is an undercover agent this could be a crime in and of itself)
  • Do not commit violence against the person
  • Just get away — even if it means leaving a group
  • If you think you've already said or done something compromising with this person, see a good lawyer and read the section of this booklet on how to conduct yourself if you get arrested.
  • Another tip from this book's helpful attorney: "Consider making your OWN complaint to the authorities about this 'nutball' [the person you suspect of being a snitch]. This a) puts you on the record as NOT being in bed with the snitch, b) alerts the snitch and his handlers that you're aware of him and are thus less likely to be an 'easy target,' c) creates an appearance that you're not one of the bad guys - since you're not hiding anything, and d) maybe - with a little luck - the snitch ends up in jail himself for some time. I would not consider this 'do not try to outsmart' described above (which I agree with)." Of course, if he turns out not to be a snitch, you may have harmed an innocent person by calling the cops on him. It's a risk. But if the person really is an agent of the government, this can be a pretty good act of self-protection. Oh, and one of my friends who speaks from experience, points out that if you're going to report a snitch to the cops, it's best to do it through a lawyer. Otherwise you're talking to cops, which is a no-no.
It's an old joke, but...
SterlingStrings writes:
Back in Soviet Russia, twin brothers were born. They slept in the same crib. As they grew older, they went to the same schools, and entered the same military duty side by side. After the military, they started work next to each other in the same factory. They were married on the same day, and raised their families next door to each other in the same apartment building.
The years go by, and the brothers find themselves as old men, sitting on a park bench, sharing a bottle of vodka.
"What do you think of these new reforms they keep talking about?" asks one brother.
"Nyet" Says the other, "One of us might be KGB!"
As I said, old joke, but an element of truth. The sad reality is, everyone has their version of the "thirty pieces of silver." Pressure on a family member, fear of jail time, exposure of a dark secret ... anybody can be turned. The trick is in riding the fine line between necessary trust and over extending yourself and putting yourself at risk. Personally, I'm in favor of compartmentalizing information. Discuss "X" with one person/group, share "Y" with another group, and keep your yap shut about "Z".
Also, remember that the Internet is the greatest snitch out there. Every click, every search, every action CAN be recorded. I have no evidence that it's being done successfully, but it can be done. That's enough for me to never use a single point of entry to the WWW. Visit the public library for some, your local coffee shop for more, do some lightweight stuff at home, and don't surf and research at the same time. Find stuff, data dump it to a secure source, and read it later. If you find it irrelevant, trash it then.
Heads down, eyes up!


PART TWO

A Snitch Uncovered



If you believe there's
a snitch in your group

We've talked about how to recognize snitches and what you, as an individual, should do to protect yourself. Again, we have to stress that there are no magic bullets; you might be blindsided and severely damaged by a snitch despite your best instincts and best efforts at OpSec. The advice in this booklet can lessen the chance of that, but nobody can give you any guarantees.
Let's say, though, that you believe you've spotted a snitch and this snitch is not only in a position to harm you, but also a group you belong to — whether that be a bunch of dope-smoking friends, a group of hobbyists or gun owners, an activist political organization, or a religious group.
One interesting (though
dangerous) way to ID snitches
In his youth, Steve was a member of a number of groups that attracted the attention of cops and snitches. There were so many iffy hangers-on that the tiny core of solid people weren't sure who was a cop or who just smelled like one, or who was a snitch and who might just be a misfit or an idiot.
Then three people hit on a plan. Steve explains:
"Three of us who fairly trusted each other wondered how bad we were compromised and decided to try a test. We were a lot of loosely organized groups with a variety of hangers on. Each of us met with some of these people and called a 'secret' meeting. It was a cop's wet dream — with guns, drugs and heavy people promised. One of us went to each of these meetings and it was only some of the people told about it and a massive police presence at all of them. (The smart people stayed home.) It became unpleasant when the Feds, cops and such realized it was a trick.
"It left me with the depressing feeling that it was next to impossible to put a heavyweight group of more than one person together without a snitch."
The first thing to do, as we have said before and will say again, is to get away from that person and his or her influence. However, now you've got other people to worry about.
Some members of your group may be absolute innocents. Some may be blabbermouths or edgy types who are walking stupidly into the snitch's trap. Some may be friends with the snitch and hostile to anybody who expresses doubts about the person. Some may even be associates in the snitch's plan to bust you (it's not unusual for government agencies to plant multiple agents into one operation and the bitter old joke that, if not for the snitches, some meetings would be empty, isn't that far wrong).
What do you do?
  • Document your suspicions.
  • If possible, conduct some careful, subtle investigation to see if your suspected snitch's background and life matches her claims. Does she really live where she says? Has she been seen with police? Do her statements about her education or her friends hold up? If not, you may not have a snitch, but you have an untrustworthy person, for sure.
  • Share your specific reasons for suspicion with people in the group that you trust. Yes, we know that snitches destroy trust, so be very careful when choosing one or two others to confide in.
  • If you can do so without violating your state's law, quietly begin video or audiotaping all interactions with the suspected person. If state wiretapping laws forbid recording without the consent of all parties, then at least consider openly recording meetings to counteract any lies the snitch may tell his handlers.
  • Start a 'Facts, Acts, and Circumstantial file.' After each incident write details down. Facts are the time, date, occasion, incident, characteristics of the person(s). Acts are what they did. Circumstantial is the impressions and anything odd about the situation. Use the FAC file and keep notes from unsettling situations and see if a pattern emerges. (Note: This item also appears in Appendix 2, where you will find details on how to do this, along with many other commonsense OpSec tips.)
  • Do not make open accusations unless you have proof positive of snitchery or copness (as when New York Libertarian Party activists (see below) spotted a former "suspicious" member in the New York Times, helping the FBI with an arrest).
  • Discuss with your most trusted associates what to do.
  • Here's one way to spot a snitch!
    Online commenter BusyPoorDad writes:
    Years ago, when the New York Libertarian Party was starting up, a new member joined and became active. He said he was from a low-income neighborhood, worked a manual labor job, and did not know much about politics. He looked the part but things just did not add up.
    He knew how to set a table for a formal dinner, used the Robert's Rules very well, and fit in very well with the highly educated members. After about four months of working with us, he just stopped coming. This sort of thing happened a lot but there were no signs of discontent. He was always willing to do everything he was asked to help do (petition, run Nolan chart tables, etc.).
    About a year later he was spotted in the NY Times holding on to someone arrested by the FBI for something.
    His background just did not fit with him. We never saw him reading books, he talked about watching TV and working at a warehouse, but he was able to be cultured, had a good vocabulary, and really wanted to be part of everything.
  • Just as your first individual move is to keep away from the suspect individual, the best group action may be to simply shut the person out. Stop talking with them. Stop inviting them to meetings. Stop asking them to be involved in projects. Freeze them out of all activities and discussions.
  • In a serious case, you may end up having to shut down the entire group to foil a snitch or agent provocateur. If so, have a plausible excuse if you can.
  • Always, always make sure that you and the other "on the up and up" members of your group remain on record as NOT advocating illegal, and in particular violently illegal, activities. Got a blog, a Twitter account, a Facebook page? Make your opposition to certain activities clear and public.
  • Furthermore, make sure you stay on record as NOT advocating things that the snitch wants. Do not line up behind, or even pretend to agree with, that person's policy recommendations, strategies, or tactics. Remember, you may well be being recorded. You do not even want to appear to superficially agree with things an undercover operative is trying to talk you into.
  • Again, finally, you may have to recognize that you can neither help nor save those who do not wish to be helped or saved. It may be that your final act has to be turning your files over to some other trusted member of the group and leaving. You always have a chance of finding another group. You're not going to have a chance to find another you.


HISTORICAL ways of dealing
with known snitches

Since, as one wag observed, the first snitch arose shortly after the first secret, history offers us lots and lots of examples of how groups have handled the betrayers in their midst.
We do not recommend any of these methods! On the contrary, we advise in the strongest terms possible against them. This is just to note how seriously people have historically taken those who betray them. But, again, to be blunt - DO NOT DO ANY OF THIS! These examples are for historical, educational purposes only.
  • The IRA used to shoot betrayers in the kneecaps. It wouldn't kill them, but everyone who saw a former activist lurching down the street on destroyed knees knew what he was.
  • The Mafia would famously send stool pigeons to "sleep with the fishes."
  • Resistance groups, particularly during wartime, have been known to leave the bodies of betrayers in public squares with messages pinned to them — or even carved in them. While still saying it's a bad idea, it did have the effect of discouraging the general populace from working with the enemy. Today snitches and betrayers often see benefits and face nowhere near enough drawbacks for their dirty work.
  • In the 1980s and 1990s, the African National Congress punished perceived collaborators with the monstrous method called "necklacing." They'd shove a gasoline-filled tire over a miscreant's neck and arms and kill the person by setting the tire alight.
  • After World War II, many women who had slept with or otherwise collaborated with Nazis were humiliated by having their hair hacked off while mobs screamed, "Nazi whore!" This might not sound like much compared with beastly punishments like necklacing. But public humiliation, shunning, and the attack on their femininity was hugely degrading and psychologically damaging.


How do YOU treat an exposed snitch?

Since you are not a Mafioso, and since (so far) we are not in an outright shooting war with an enemy state, there is no justification for historical hardcore tactics. We'll say it again: your best bet is just to get away from the snitch and take protective measures as described above.
However, if you're very sure a person is a rat and you want to take further steps to render the snitch ineffective or miserable, here are some milder, but potentially effective, tactics. Again, we DO NOT NECESSARILY RECOMMEND any of these things. They may be good or bad ideas, depending on the people and the circumstances. They're just possibilities:
Spread the word. Use social networks both online and in the real world to notify others that the person is an informant. Be as factual and give as much evidence as possible. (There is even a website that contains a national database of known rats, but since it's a paid membership site, we're not recommending it here. Do a Startpage.com or DuckDuckGo.com search to find it if you're interested.) Post the snitch's photo, address, or other personal details online unless that violates a law in your area. This strategy is, however, a serious two edged sword - as those methods are ones that may be used by agents provocateurs in attempting to damage a group by further destroying trust. In fact, such tactics may well end up with YOU being labeled - no matter how unfairly or incorrectly - as the snitch! In fact, removing competent and trustworthy personnel from a group is high on a snitch's to-do list, and this can be a gift from on-high to a snitch.
Expel the person from the group. You can do this quietly — perhaps just by moving meetings and failing to inform the person of the new place. Or you can do it publicly, literally holding a purge or a type of trial where you present the evidence against the person.
Organize a shunning. Shunning has historically been a huge tactic in close communities. Shunning means shutting a person (and sometimes his family members) out of virtually all ordinary activity. A target of shunning isn't welcome into people's homes, can't get served at restaurants, doesn't have his greetings returned, can't get help from any of her former friends, and is generally unable to function within the community. Obviously in many ways this has become harder to do as we've become less reliant on our towns and neighborhoods. On the other hand, the Internet has made other, non-traditional forms of shunning possible.
Turn them in to the "legitimate" authorities. We mentioned this option before as a means of protecting yourself and your true friends. The same tactic may work to halt the snitch in its tracks or even put it in jail. Snitches are often serious criminals. They may well be up to nefarious deeds that their handlers in the police departments or government agencies don't know. Or a snitch who's working for the local PD may be unknown to the FBI, who might be interested to learn about other things he's up to. Again, we are very, very squeamish about the idea of turning any non-violent, non-thieving person into to any law-enforcement agency. But ... well, you'll need to judge for yourself what the snitch in your midst deserves. And of course, do this through a lawyer. Don't talk directly to government agents.
Fun and games. Again, this is a tactic we do not recommend. However, traditionally it's been used as a lovely bit of revenge and a way to keep snitches busy without letting them know you're already on to them. The idea is to keep the snitch running in circles with false leads. Set one snitch spying on another. Or give the snitch false evidence to focus on while you go about your real business unmolested. We consider this to be in the category of trying to "outsmart" the snitch — which is not wise. And you must be especially careful that you never put yourself in a position where you can be accused of "lying to law enforcement," since you can go to prison for that even when you're innocent in every other way. But such games can be fun while they last.
Rehabilitate and take the snitch back into your circle. There are people who believe that some snitches — especially young, inexperienced people who get in over their heads, get in legal trouble, and are intimidated into becoming snitches — should be forgiven, rehabilitated, and eventually brought back into the fold of trust. A very humane anarchist, Tom Knapp, took this position when young anti-drug-war activist Stacy Litz was arrested and pressured into becoming a drug informant. Not many people sympathized (and Litz made her own reputation worse with her online writings). But some very decent folks might want to open their arms to a "reformed" snitch. All we can say is, if you want to go that way, make damned sure the rat has actually reformed first — and can prove it through actions, not mere words.
A modern shunning
In the mid-1990s, Bob Black was a very well-known anarchist. Then, after a personal dispute with fellow writer Jim Hogshire and Hogshire's wife (a "he said-she said" encounter whose facts are known only to the three who were present), Black did the unthinkable.
And in this case the unthinkable was verifiable. On February 21, 1996, Black wrote a letter to the Narcotics Division of the Seattle Police Department, accusing Hogshire of a multitude of drug crimes, and implying that Hogshire was armed and dangerous.
Paramilitary police descended on the Hogshires' apartment. They confiscated perfectly legal items (including dried poppies and a mug warmer they mistook for a drug-weighing scale). Both Jim and Heidi Hogshire spent three days in jail. Even though a judge eventually dismissed the charges, Black's accusation made a hellacious mess of Hogshire's life, cost him tens of thousands of dollars, and contributed to the breakup of his marriage.
In the long run, however, it was Black who paid the bigger price. His publisher (who was also Hogshire's publisher) destroyed all remaining inventory of Black's books and published an article exposing Black's perfidy. Another publisher Black had worked with wrote an open letter in defense of Hogshire. Years later, archives all over the Internet still tell the story; you can easily find a copy of Black's snitch letter. Although as of this writing, Black has managed to keep his Wikipedia page scrubbed of the gory details, the evidence will be out there on other sites as long as he lives and few people will ever again give serious credence to an "anarchist" who reports people to the cops the moment he gets irritated with them.


Repairing the damage snitches do

Unfortunately, it's quite possible you'll never be able to repair the damage done by a snitch. You or someone you care about may end up in prison, broke, or otherwise badly hurt. A group or movement you belong to may collapse or members may split off in anger and distrust.
As one former government agent pointed out after reviewing a draft of this book, ruining activist groups is "at least one of the auxiliary functions of snitches."
But finding a snitch in your midst can also be a valuable learning experience.
It can teach you the importance of good security practices.
It can reveal who's trustworthy and who's not.
It can teach group members not only to be less gullible, but teach them what signs to look for when a snitch is targeting them.
Uncovering a snitch can help the remaining trustworthy members of a group to pull together.
If you're lucky and the activities of your snitch are particularly egregious, you might even get sympathy, donations, or renewed positive attention once good people realize what evil that person and her handlers tried to do to you.
In part, the long-term results of being targeted by a snitch depend on how you and your associates handle the problem. After the initial shock and recovery, look upon it as a chance to learn and teach others.


Beware of accusing someone
who might not be a snitch

It can be very, very difficult to detect a snitch — until it's too late. We sometimes face the evil choice of making a false accusation against an innocent person or keeping quiet about our suspicions and ending up with somebody (maybe even us) getting busted.
The damage a false accusation of snitching can do is horrifying. First, an innocent person suffers a grave wrong. He loses his reputation unjustly. She may be attacked by others. Second, your group of associates may break down in chaos. Your real work may suffer.
Then — this also happens — a wrongly accused person who gets expelled, shunned, or attacked may actually become a snitch in revenge.
It's also important to remember that a person who makes a false accusation of snitching is acting like a snitch himself. And in fact, one tactic a snitch might use to divert suspicion from herself is to point the finger at someone else.
So if you suspect someone of snitching but you have no solid reason for your suspicions, it's usually just best to detach yourself from the person while remaining watchful. Do not do anything in that person's presence or within that person's knowledge that you wouldn't do in front of your mother. Quietly encourage others to be watchful (it's just good OpSec, after all), but do not make public accusations without real reason.
Is there a danger in such a wait-and-see approach? You betcha. Around snitches, and in a "snitch culture" like ours, there is always danger in many forms.


PART THREE

WHAT HAPPENS IF YOU GET BUSTED?



You may be pressured to become a snitch

It happens all too often these days. You get busted and the next thing you know the cops are either threatening you or sweet-talking you into snitching on somebody else. They may promise to "help" you if you agree to become an informant. They may tell you that a friend arrested with you is already singing like a bird, and you should, too, if you want to save your ass (see "The Prisoner's Dilemma" later in this book). They may say they already "know everything," so you might as well tell "your side of the story" to make others look worse than you. If they think you're particularly dumb and harmless, they might even take you out and buy you donuts while talking you into being their pawn (yes, Philadelphia cops actually did that in their successful effort to turn anti-drug-war activist Stacy Litz into a drug-war informant).
You may imagine, sitting here reading this, that you'd never, ever, ever stoop to snitching on other people. But the fact is, until we've been tested, not one of us really knows what we might do under the right kind of pressure or persuasion.
The good news is that just a bit of advanced preparation can help any of us understand how police get us to work against our own interests and how they turn scared people into informants. Some pretty minimal knowledge can help us protect ourselves and our rights. Some of this knowledge can help us avoid being busted in the first place. Some of it can help us withstand the cynical manipulations of cops and prosecutors if we do get busted.
IMPORTANT
Please read the article on the Reid interrogation techniqueTM that appears toward the end of this booklet. The Reid technique is used by police to manipulate arrestees into cooperating — which may include everything from confessing to a crime you didn't (or did) commit to agreeing to rat out your friends.
The article was written by a man who, as a young outlaw, was twice subjected to Reid interrogations. He then grew up to study and employ the Reid Technique in his profession as an auditor/investigator.
Read and heed it. You're far less susceptible to manipulation once you understand how the manipulation works.


Do NOT talk to cops. Period.

And remember: Everything we say about not talking to cops also goes for every, single kind of government agent, local, state, national, or international.
If you are confronted by a law-enforcement officer under any circumstances — at your front door, during a traffic stop, because you've been fingered by a snitch, or for any reason whatsoever — DO NOT TALK. If you get arrested, DO NOT TALK.
TIP
Know a good lawyer, keep his or her card on you, and insist on talking to that lawyer if you ever get busted or even accosted by a cop who won't take no for an answer.
Avoid using public defenders if you can. Not all of them are bad, but many of them are overworked and/or just geared to processing cases as fast as they can. They often deal with petty criminals who expect nothing more than to be "processed." With rare and noble exceptions, they are probably not your best resource if you really hope to be represented as you wish.
The only things you should ever say to a police officer are things like these:
  • No, you may not search my vehicle.
  • No, you may not enter my home.
  • I do not consent to any search.
  • Am I free to go?
  • On the advice of my lawyer, I cannot talk to you.
  • I will not talk without my lawyer present.
You should never lie to a cop because that in itself may be a crime.
You should never imagine you can outsmart a cop with clever talk. They've heard it all.
You should resist the temptation to babble nervously (very difficult for some of us).
Do not try to explain yourself (also very difficult for some of us).
Do not try to talk your way out of a situation except where you can state a legal or constitutional principle that demonstrates your innocence. This is a technique that can be used by people who photograph or videotape cops at work, people who legally open-carry weapons, or people who are legally protesting. (Even then you may still get busted and/or beat up, but you'll be creating a case in your favor that might come in useful later.)
Attorney safety tip:
This video, mentioned again in the appendices, is possibly the best and most useful 49 minutes you will spend on this topic without paying an attorney first.
Oh yeah. And if you get tossed into jail, DON'T TALK TO YOUR CELLMATES OR THE JAILERS, EITHER. You can chitty-chat with your cellmates to pass the time and keep them from thinking you're a jerk; you can probably also learn quite a bit from them. But DO NOT TALK about anything to do with your case. Even if you don't think you're admitting anything incriminating, you're opening yourself up to every jailbird who might want to trade information, even false information about you, to the cops.
JUST SHUT UP!


The police officer is NOT your friend

Contrary to what you might have learned in kindergarten ... contrary to what you might hope ... and contrary to the image the officer might be trying to fake ... THE POLICE OFFICER IS NOT YOUR FRIEND. Let us say that again, just in case you didn't get it the first time: THE POLICE OFFICER IS NOT YOUR FRIEND.
Again remember: Everything we say about not talking to cops also goes for every, single kind of government agent, local, state, national, or international.
Unless you've been living in a cave most of your life, you've probably heard of the "bad cop/good cop" technique. When you've been arrested and are being interrogated, one cop will bully and intimidate you until you're just a little puddle of terror. Then another cop (who may be present at the same time or who may come in later) will pretend to sympathize with you and want to "help" you.
Don't ever believe it.
If you've done your proper work and just said no to interrogation or said you'd only speak with your lawyer present, you may avoid this particular form of manipulation. But wherever and whenever you meet a cop — or any federal agent or investigator, a jailer or a prosecutor — who acts like he's "on your side" or wants to "help" you or promises to get the system to "go lighter on you" — DON'T YOU BELIEVE IT!
Attorney safety tip:
[In the bad cop/good cop technique] Officer A will threaten you, your family, your friends, your pets, with severe harm going back nigh unto the 10th generation. Officer B will then call him off and suggest that "just a little cooperation" on your part will help avert all that.
Also be aware that sometimes they don't HAVE to lie to get what they want from you. Seriously, I've lost count of the number of defendants I've dealt with who were skaaaaaREWED by talking to the PD and who told me, "But the officer was so NIIIICE." Not every officer is going to be Officer McGruff - the "Officer Friendly" model can achieve amazing results.


The Prisoner's Dilemma

When "the authorities" have arrested you and want to turn you into a snitch, they have a powerful phenomenon on their side. It's particularly useful if you've been busted along with friends or associates, or even if the cops persuade you that they have busted or will soon be busting others in your circle. (And remember again, cops are among the biggest liars on the planet.)
In game theory, the phenomenon is called The Prisoner's Dilemma. It works something like this:
Two (or more) people are arrested but the police don't have enough information to convict either of you.
They separate the arrestees and offer each a similar deal; if you cooperate (testify against your friend, agree to become a snitch) and your friend remains silent, you'll go free. Your friend will be hit with the full legal penalty.
On the other hand, if you rat each other out, you may both get a lesser sentence.
On yet another hand, you realize that if you both remain silent, you both may go free — but you have absolutely no idea what your companion is doing — and the cops have given you both quite a lot of incentive to rat each other out.
In game theory, according to Wikipedia, "... the logical decision leads each to betray the other, even though their individual 'prize' would be greater if they cooperated." In reality, if you and your fellow arrestee were allowed to discuss your decisions, you'd probably both opt to clam up; it's part of the goodness of human beings that we'd rather cooperate than betray. However, the police are going to keep you apart through this process as best they can, which makes the temptation to betray seem the only logical, self-protective course of action.
Sitting here, safely reading this booklet, you might very well say to yourself, "I'm a good person. I would never rat out my friend." You imagine yourself thrusting out your chin and saying, "NO!" no matter what the personal cost to you.
And there are really some people who would do that. But they're in the minority.
In reality, you don't know how scared you'd be. You might be sitting there worrying about what your mother would think if you went to jail. You might be terrified of losing your job and being unable to pay your bills. You may have a pet or child at home you're desperate to get back to. The police will remind you that if you go to jail you'd be leaving your newborn baby or disabled spouse without protection. The police might badger you until you'll agree to anything just to have some peace.
Relationships between friends and associates complicate matters, too. Seeking self-justification, you might tell yourself you're just an innocent who got dragged into the whole situation by the other person. You might think, "Hm, well Bill's probably ratting me out right now," or "Well, there was that time when Mary didn't treat me fairly, so why should I sacrifice myself for her?" One snitch justified her betrayal of principle by telling herself that she'd be "more effective" as a political activist if she didn't go to jail; she told herself she would only snitch on certain people, ones she didn't know well or like very much.
So you never know.
If you're arrested and more than one person in your circle might join you, the only way to avoid The Prisoner's Dilemma is to decide in advance that you WILL NOT TALK and make sure all your associates are well schooled in their legal right to keep silent. Have them read this booklet!
But as always, there are no guarantees. We keep saying that. It's sadly true.


Mindset: The common territory
between snitches and victims

Another reason that it's often easy for cops to turn victims into snitches is that there's sometimes a common mindset between people who snitch and people who fall into the traps set by snitches.
Obviously, this isn't true of everybody who gets busted or otherwise becomes the target of a snitch. But both snitches and their easiest "marks" are frequently:
  • Overly naive and trusting
  • Unprepared for bad things happening to them
  • Cocky and overly confident
  • Loudmouthed or prone to blat information without thinking
  • Prone to believe that "nice" cops really do want to "help" them (yes, it's another form of being overly naive and trusting, but it bears repeating because if you get caught because you trusted a rat you're more likely to turn around and trust that rat's handlers)
  • Very good at rationalizing their own less-than-stellar behavior
  • (Or conversely) So idealistic and starry-eyed that reality, when it hits, knocks them for a loop.


What happens if you refuse to snitch?

If you refuse to snitch or otherwise cooperate with government, the prosecutor may pin more charges on you and may pursue them with more determination. Worse, prosecutors may threaten to bring charges against those you love.
Or that may not happen. Sometimes pressure to snitch is just a gambit and nothing terrible will happen to you for refusing.
If you do refuse to snitch and "the man" becomes more threatening, consider going public with your courageous refusal. This might offer you some protection and will very likely gain you friends and supporters. As soon as you're out on bail, tell your associates what happened to you. Blog about it. Put it out on social media. Explain the kind of pressures that were put on you. Describe what you felt and endured. Describe why and how you refused to become a tool of the police.
You'll be wise if you have a good lawyer on your side from the get-go. Our helpful attorney notes: "This is a good reason for 'lawyering up' in the first place. People make fun of lawyers, but there's a reason we exist. Of course, keep in mind that the prosecutor is a lawyer, too, so it's not necessarily all to the good."
What if your lawyer advises you to snitch?
Some lawyers in some circumstances will advise a client to go ahead and accept an offer to snitch in exchange for more lenient treatment. Sometimes there are practical reasons: you're guilty as hell, the cops have the evidence to prove it, and your lawyer thinks that cooperating would be the best way for you to avoid a long prison sentence. Sometimes, on the other hand, your lawyer's just a lazy SOB who doesn't give much of a damn and thinks turning snitch is the easiest resolution — for him.
If you are strongly opposed to snitches and snitching, tell your lawyer up front that, whatever else happens, you're not going to do that. Then if your lawyer pressures you to accept any agreement that involves snitching, get a new lawyer.
And remember, it'll probably help your case a lot if you AVOID TALKING TO THE POLICE. AT ALL.


What happens if you become
a snitch — and regret it?

If you are reasonably cautious in your real-world dealings and if you have prepared yourself NOT TO TALK TO GOVERNMENT AGENTS, the chances are good that nobody will successfully arm-twist or sweet-talk you into becoming a snitch. Even if you get busted, you'll handle yourself in a way that will make you less vulnerable to manipulation. (NOT TALKING may also help you in other ways, but here we're just talking about avoiding being pressured into snitching.)
But the simple fact is that anybody can break under the right kind of pressure — and government agents are trained in sophisticated terror and manipulation tactics. Once you fall into their clutches, you may simply be in over your head. So what if, under pressure, you agree to become a snitch — and regret it later? What if you agree to do it, then before you actually snitch on anybody, you realize you don't want to, can't, and won't betray other people?
If you become a snitch and don't regret it enough to stop, then to hell with you.
But having agreed to snitch, then changed your mind, you've got a tough dilemma and you could use some assistance getting out of it. You are going to have to be careful, brave, and more than a little bit lucky to handle the situation well.
First, you need a GOOD lawyer. You should have had one before you agreed to snitch, but definitely get one to advise you now.
Consider going public with your situation. Tell your associates what happened to you. Blog about it. Put your story out on social media. Explain the kind of pressures that were put on you. Describe what you felt and endured while being pushed into agreeing to snitch. Then state in the strongest terms why you realized you would not and could not do it.
Be prepared to lose some friends. You may gain friends and supporters by openly revealing how the cops treated you and how you ultimately resisted. But some people will distrust you; that's just reality.


What happens to you if you
snitch and your friends find out?

Chances are, if you're a non-violent political activist or small-time dealer of "college type" drugs who got busted and turned, your friends will hate you but won't beat you up or kill you if they learn you snitched on them.
However, your reputation will be ruined and good luck earning it back.
If you snitch and get caught, at the very least be ready to humbly accept whatever those you betrayed dish out to you; you only make things worse by making excuses.
If your snitching has gotten others into legal trouble, you should accept that, at the very least, you owe them restitution. This may be difficult to do, especially since you may be facing serious criminal charges and huge expenses yourself. But it's your responsibility and you'll have to do it if you ever expect to be taken seriously again.
If you are part of a violent group or you deal hard drugs, don't be surprised if you get killed. Or as our helpful attorney says (with a nod to Captain Mal Reynolds of Firefly), "Prepare to be surprised very briefly. Or perhaps not so briefly; torture may be involved first."


The rest of your life if you do snitch

If you agree to snitch on your friends or associates, know in advance that you're going to have a big price to pay.
At best, snitches have to spend the rest of their lives looking over their shoulders.
Your "friends" in the police department or any federal agency that you snitch for will turn out not to be your real friends. They will toss you aside like a piece of maggoty meat when you no longer serve their purposes. Those promises they made to protect your anonymity? Maybe they'll keep them, but they're just as likely to leak your name or "accidentally" put your name into a public document. They may even force you into life-threatening situations and not give one bit of a damn what happens to you. After all, you're just a snitch. Snitches are a dime a dozen — and even the cops know they're scum.
Want to see how much "love" cops give their snitches? Read this New Yorker article about young, naive — and now DEAD — snitches. ("The Throwaways").
Your snitching will probably not be important enough to earn you a spot in the Witness Protection Program, not even if you put your life in danger for your cop-handlers' sake.
You will be on your own and in peril.
You will have to live with yourself and if you have any self-awareness at all, every time you look in a mirror, a person you don't want to be will stare back at you.
If you snitch on friends or otherwise-harmless people, you should and (if you have any decency) you will feel an obligation to make things right by paying restitution or campaigning to get them out of prison. This obligation, which you might never be able to fulfill, could haunt you the rest of your life.
On the other hand, things could be resolved very easily. Your betrayed associates may kill you and you won't have to worry about any of this.


Appendix 1

The Reid Interrogation TechniqueTM

By "Just Waiting"

Okay, so you find yourself under arrest because of a snitch. Hopefully you've listened to the advice earlier in this booklet. You've cleaned up your act and your surroundings once you knew there was a snitch in your midst, and the only thing you were arrested for is information given by the snitch.
First thing to understand: Once you are arrested, ALL of the rights you had as a US citizen are gone except for two: the right to remain silent and the right to have an attorney present during questioning. USE THEM!!!
No one in law enforcement (LE) is your friend, and NO ONE wants to "help" you. They only want you to confess and do their will.
The police can and will lie to you. DO NOT LIE TO THEM!!! More on that later. They will tell you they have evidence/witnesses/tapes that don't exist. They'll poke, prod, and push every button they can to try to get you to respond. They'll tell you your friends are snitching on you in the other room. They'll tell you the only way to save yourself is to tell your side of the story. They'll threaten to call your boss. They'll tell you your kids are going to be taken away and raised by the state. They'll tell you how it will ruin your parents' reputation. They'll even tell you your dog is ugly. They'll make wild, baseless accusations — anything to get a response. Because once they get you to start talking, they're trained in how to keep you talking.
If you don't trust yourself to exercise your right to remain silent, exercise the second and ask for a lawyer. Remember, you can decide to remain silent or ask for a lawyer at any time during your questioning or interrogation.
You know the kinds of things you've been doing. If you are a high-value target, if you know or associate with high value targets, or if your activities rise to the level of interest that police want to question you, LE agencies employ an interrogation method known as the Reid Technique. It is a method of interview and interrogation (read: psychological manipulation) specifically designed to produce confessions.
That is one big reason you should heed the earlier advice and NOT TALK TO POLICE AT ALL. But I've interviewed/interrogated maybe 100 or more people and I've found, almost as a rule, that people have the hardest time keeping quiet. They want to defend themselves, to tell their story. I've yet to meet the person who can sit quiet for 10 minutes while someone else talks about them, even less when lies and untrue accusations start to fill the air. Even for someone who has regular, unfavorable contact with LE, even people like me who have been Reided, the hardest thing to do is to shut up. When someone makes a statement or allegation, its human nature to want to refute it.
So, if you find yourself being interrogated and you feel you must defend yourself, at least try to minimize the damage.
First: As I've said before, DO NOT LIE TO LE! You will get caught. Lies change with every telling, but the truth remains a constant. LE are trained in detecting the smallest, subtlest change in your story and ripping it wide open. Dante himself did not imagine a torture in hell like what you will experience from LE if you get caught lying to them. Plus, you are now subject to arrest for new charges, usually, Lying to LE or Obstruction, indictable crimes, and you've done so on tape. This is how some of LE's best snitches are made!
Second: If you can truthfully do so, DENY EVERYTHING. Do it simply and categorically. Don't ramble and make excuses. Just say, "I didn't do it," "I'm innocent," "That's false." As you'll see below, they'll do everything within their power to try to stop you from doing this. If you cannot honestly declare your innocence, then just say, "I want a lawyer."
Third: If you feel you have to answer an incriminating question, qualify your answer. "I don't think I was at...," "I don't recall seeing...," and "I may have met..." are all appropriate qualifiers to prevent telling an outright lie.
LE has studied the meaning of every move, every movement, every facial expression, every question, every answer. They identify and exploit weaknesses you didn't know you had. They watch and hear everything you do and say for meaning.
Repeat the question before answering? That answer is a lie.
Little or no direct eye contact? You're evasive.
Too much direct eye contact? You're cocky and/or confrontational.
Change from "is" to "was" or "a" to "the"? You're changing your story to hide something.
Sit up straight, slouch, fold your arms in your lap, fold them across your chest? You're scared, you're cocky, you're defensive. Every movement, posture and expression has a meaning to LE.
The surest way to know the Reid Technique is about to be used is the room they put you in after you're arrested. You'll know it when they open the door. And once they open that door, the ONLY WAY TO SAVE YOURSELF IS TO ASK FOR A LAWYER! Once the interrogation begins, LE won't stop until you ask for a lawyer or they've gotten what they want. Remember, you can ask for a lawyer at any time during the interrogation, do not be afraid to do so!
Interrogation rooms are specially designed to make you as uncomfortable and out of your element as possible. Your chair is the hard one, in the corner, furthest from the door, and behind some type of barrier, like a desk. Your interrogators will take positions clearly letting you know that they are in total control, that you are in their world, and the only way out of the room is through them. You can't get to the lights or thermostat. They'll turn the heat up (I once knew an interrogator who wore a sweater and complained of a chill in a 90+ degree room, talk about psychological manipulation), brighten or darken the room, etc. They'll create a physically intimidating presence without ever touching you. For maybe the first time in your life, your freedom is completely stripped away and you are confined. Control of every aspect of your physical condition has been stolen from you. When you are at your most vulnerable, the interrogators are ready to begin.
Reid is broken down into three parts, Factual Analysis, the Initial Behavioral Analysis Interview, and the Interrogation.
Factual Analysis is just what it says, an analysis of the facts in a case. Prior to talking to you, the LE tries to learn everything there is to know about the event leading to your arrest. They've gotten a story from a snitch. They know the date, time, how many people were there, some names, some physical descriptions, the drugs dealt or the damages caused.
Today, LE is on your Facebook page learning everything they can about you while developing their interrogation strategy. They'll try to know as much about you as your best friend, and use it to try to be your friend. Your favorite band? The LEO saw them last tour. Have a cat, dog, fish? The cop is so sad, he just had to put down his 16-year-old catdogfish yesterday. His wife went to the same school as you, different years. Wow, so much in common, you two could be pals. Have a pic of you and your mom? Jackpot, he'll use her later, in his interrogation.
The Initial Behavioral Analysis is supposed to weed out innocent suspects, but in reality this is where LE determines your susceptibility to further questioning and picks the strategy they will use against you. IBA starts the moment of your first contact with LE. The law-enforcement officer (LEO) asks simple, conversational, non-accusatory questions and listens to the way you frame your answers, watches your facial expressions, the way you stand. LEO has been trained in what every action and movement mean. Within the first 30 seconds, LEO knows whether you will be susceptible to questioning and if he'll be able to get you to talk. If LEO asks if you know the time, remember that that's a yes or no question. If you answer, "Yes, its 3:30," you've shown a willingness to please and to give more information than is asked. You're a perfect candidate for successful interrogation!
The official Reid Interrogation has nine steps, beginning with an accusation of guilt and ending with a confession. To LE, there are no other acceptable outcomes. If you were arrested as a result of a snitch, and took the advice of being arrested clean, LE has nothing more than the accusations the snitch has made. Remember, don't lie, but if you can't resist talking, at least DENY EVERYTHING! A good lawyer will rip a snitch apart and develop reasonable doubt in the eyes of a judge or jury. Snitching and witness credibility don't exactly go hand-in-hand.
LE will invariably offer you a chance to "tell your side." This is cop talk for "make a full confession." Cops brag at parties about how fast they have gotten suspects to do it.
If you don't start wailing and confess to everything, the next thing they'll try is shifting blame. They'll try to blame someone else and suggest that maybe you weren't involved but just got caught up in things. They'll give you scenarios in which to minimize your participation and guilt. They'll try to make it somehow socially acceptable, suggesting it was a crime of passion rather than a premeditated event. LE calls it "developing a theme," what they're really doing is presenting options for you to pick from to confess to. React to any one of their scenarios or agree to anything they suggest here, and you're not getting away until you sign a confession and give them the names and information they want.
All throughout, LE will do everything they can to keep you from denying your "guilt." They will disrupt you mid-word, tell you to shut up, tell you it's not your turn to talk, anything just to keep you from denying your guilt. They will try to talk over any claim of innocence so that denials are never clear on the recordings.
Why? Because opposing what LEO is saying builds self-confidence, something they're working hard to strip from you.
And secondly (and maybe more importantly), if you continue to deny, dispute, deny for the first 1, 2, 3, or 4 hours of the interrogation, then confess to something in hour 5, a good lawyer will demonstrate coercive interrogation tactics were used and hopefully have your confession thrown out.
So qualify if you have to lie. Remember those "iffy" statements ("I don't recall ..."), but deny being there, deny any knowledge of events, deny knowing people, deny everything you honestly can.
If you haven't asked for a lawyer and haven't been denying, the interrogation moves on to the next steps. This is where a new LEO might come in. He understands your situation, he's sympathetic, he's your buddy, he doesn't agree with the other LEO's interrogation tactics, either. He'll tell you he's been watching and that to him, you don't seem to be the kind of person who could do something like what you're accused of. He'll tell you he wants to help you. You've seen good cop/bad cop on TV, well, this is it in real life.
Good cop will appear to be sincerely caring about your predicament. He'll talk quietly. He'll lay out a bunch of different scenarios that minimize your guilt, all the while looking for the clue you give him that he's hit on a winning theme to follow. And that clue is so subtle you don't even know you've given it. But he does.
Good cop will give you acceptable justifications. He'll give you two options, you planned what happened or it was just a one-time thing. With either option, you're still making a confession. Good cop always leaves out option #3, you can DENY that you're guilty at all!
Good cop wants to see your tears; he knows he has you when you cry.
Once you have been broken down and are ready to admit to anything (search on "Central Park Jogger case" for false confessions) LEO will attempt to get you to tell your story to his associates or write down and sign your story. All of your protest and denial has been for nothing once you confess.
So remember these three key points: 1) The police are not your friends and do not want to help you; 2) If you don't trust yourself to remain silent, demand a lawyer (you can do so at any time); and 3) if you feel you just have to talk — don't lie, qualify and especially if you're innocent, deny, deny, deny.


Appendix 2

Some Commonsense OpSec

These commonsense OpSec (operational security) tips are for any group or any individual whose activities might draw the attention of the state. Some will protect you against snitches. Some will just protect you, period. The author is MJR, who works in security.

If you wish to have a private conversation, leave your home and your office and go outside and take a walk or go somewhere public and notice who is near you. Don't say anything you don't want to hear repeated when there is any possibility of being recorded.
Never leave a copy of a document or list behind (unless you want it found) and take a minute to duplicate an irreplaceable document and keep the duplicate in a safe place. Back up and store important computer disks off site. Sensitive data and membership list should be kept under lock and key.
Keep your mailing lists, donor lists and personal phone books away from light-fingered people. Always maintain a duplicate off site in a safe place.
Know your printer if you are about to publish, your mailing house and anyone you are trusting to work on any part of a project that is sensitive.
Don't hire a stranger as a messenger.
Checks for electronic surveillance are only effective for the time they are being done, and are only effective as they are being done if you are sure of the person(s) doing the sweep.
Don't use code on the phone. If you are being tapped and the transcript is used against you in court, the coded conversation can be alleged to be anything. Don't say anything on the phone you don't want to hear in open court.
Don't gossip on the phone. Smut is valuable to anyone listening; it makes everyone vulnerable.
If you are being followed, get the license number and description of the car and people in the car. Photograph the person(s) following you or have a friend do so.
If you are followed or feel vulnerable, call a friend; don't "tough it out" alone. They are trying to frighten you.
Start a 'Facts, Acts and Circumstantial file.' After each incident write details down: facts are the time, date, occasion, incident, characteristics of the person(s). Acts are what they did; Circumstantial is the impressions and anything odd about the situation. Use the FAC file and keep notes from unsettling situations and see if a pattern emerges.
Do freedom of information requests for your file under the FOIA and pursue the agencies until they give you all the documents filed under your name.
Brief your group on known or suspected surveillance.
Report thefts of materials from your office or home to the police as criminal acts.
Assess your undertaking from a security point of view; understand your vulnerabilities; assess your allies and your adversaries as objectively as you can; don't underestimate the opposition and don't take chances.
Recognize your organizational and personal strengths and weaknesses.
Discuss incidents with cohorts, family and your group.
Call the press if you have hard information about surveillance or harassment. Discussion makes the dirty work of the snitches overt.

Addendum on note-taking (Facts, Acts, and Circumstantial)

Although some might consider the following to be overkill, MJR also has experience facing opponents in court and offers this brief primer on taking the kind of notes that can guide you through a very tough grilling by police or prosecutors. He writes:

When preparing a "Facts, Acts, and, Circumstantial" list you are going to have to take notes about what is going on. The notes should be written in a clear and concise way. Use professional language and be prepared to substantiate what you record. One never knows, you could be wrong and get sued or if you do get arrested this could be the basis for a defense from entrapment.
The notebook that you use should be lined with a margin on the left. Each page should be numbered.
What to put in the notebook to make it legal
First you should start with the date. Then on the next line write the weather conditions. The reason for the record of what the weather was like is that the usual first question from a prosecutor or the other side's lawyer usually is about the weather. This is an attempt to discredit your memory.
When you make your first entry, write the time an event happened in the left margin. Next write down what happened or what you found and write down the location (address or approximate location). Then write down the actions taken by those involved and the names and addresses of any witnesses. If you make a mistake draw one line through the word and write your initials next to it. Oh and don't leave any lines blank. If more things happen during the day they all go under the same date. If the date changes you should start a new date with the weather. When you finish the last entry of the day sign your name. This makes it a legal document. Write the notes as soon as possible after an incident. Last, but never least... If you are going to use this book in court under no circumstances should you rip out any of the pages, this will only give the other side ammo to use against you. The questions you will face will revolve around you hiding something.
Here is an example of what the notebook should look like


Appendix 3

Line up a lawyer

I've adapted this from advice handed out by the helpful, anonymous lawyer whose tips have appeared throughout this booklet.

How to hire the right lawyer

1. Every person engaging in or planning to engage in illegal or controversial activities needs to have an attorney already on line. After you've been busted and are standing around at the police station is NOT a good time to be leafing through the yellow pages. At least not if you're serious about avoiding a long stay in custody.
2. You should also expect to drop some money up front on a consultation with a potential defense attorney. Again, calling from a police station is NOT a good moment to find out that the attorney whose number you've been carrying in your pocket hates your cause, doesn't take cases like yours, or has a conflict of interest. (In theory, even an attorney who hates you and everything you do should be able to give you a good defense; but that varies and is definitely not worth the risk. Make sure you and the attorney are comfortable with and have some reasonable basis for trusting each other, because if you get in trouble you are going to have to be seriously ready to open up to your attorney if you want a chance of winning.)
3. Former DAs and former public defenders are a good first choice. But bear in mind that DAs often are of the "lock-em-all-up" frame of mind, while public defenders are frequently used to just pleading their clients out to get the best deal possible, without concern for actual guilt or innocence. This is another reason you want to have consulted with the attorney BEFORE you need one. And yes, this may well mean you go through a couple interviews and pay a couple of fees before you find the "right one."
4. By interview I mean "find out how much the lawyer charges for a half-hour of time on a consult then go in expecting to pay that." When you first interview an attorney, you don't have to lay out in detail what you're up to — perhaps just say that you're a free-speech advocate or a drug legalization advocate (or whatever the general truth is) and that you have been advised to have a good criminal defense attorney on tap because these days even innocent people are at peril from snitches and sloppy justice. Ask the attorney's thoughts on your general activities. His or her length of time working in criminal defense (generally longer is better, but not always). His or her experience with people who've been accused by snitches. His or her willingness to show up at 2:00 a.m. if that's when you get busted (not per se a deal killer, but be prepared to spend the night in jail otherwise).
5. If you already have an attorney you like and trust, but who doesn't do criminal law, you can ask who he or she would recommend. Again, you'd still want to do an advance consult/interview with your proposed attorney. Spending a few dollars on a consultation can save you a LOT of money and headaches down the road.
6. Never forget your right to remain silent, except for, "I'd like my attorney, please." Repeat as necessary.


Appendix 4

Other helpful resources

Dealing with snitches

Snitch— Transcript of a PBS/Frontline documentary on the whole dirty business of snitching.
Got the Hollow Tips for Snitches— How radical groups of the past have dealt with snitches and how contemporary groups can learn from the past.
How to Handle the Snitch at Trial— This guide, by lawyer Jeffrey W. Jensen, is written for defense attorneys. If you get in trouble because of a snitch, it might help your defense.

How cops deal with snitches

The Throwaways— A New Yorker article on young, naive snitches who were murdered because the cops they were pressured into working for didn't give a rat's butt about them.

Online advice on dealing with police

Flex Your Rights— This organization has online videos, DVDs, and tons of advice on how to handle yourself during police encounters. Topics include "Don't get tricked," "When do I have to show ID?," "How to refuse searches," "10 Rules for dealing with the police," and much more.
Don't Talk to the Police— A law-school professor (former defense attorney) and a cop explain why you should never, ever talk to police even (and perhaps especially) if you're innocent, even if you're telling the 100% truth. This explains, in graphic detail, with examples, about how police will twist your words and/or lie about you if you say anything at all to them.

An online guide to interrogation techniques

U Boat Archive— This site contains an extract from TM 30-210 Dept. Army Technical Manual "Interrogation Procedures." Although designed to teach interrogation, it can also help victims of interrogation recognize and thwart typical intimidation and questioning techniques.

Books

You & the Police! by Boston T. Party
Snitch Culture: How Citizens are Turned into the Eyes and Ears of the State by Jim Redden
Snitch: Informants, Cooperators, and the Corruption of Justice by Ethan Brown

USA - A HISTORY OF BIKERS RIGHTS IN AMERICA

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A HISTORY OF BIKERS RIGHTS IN AMERICA
 As Seen By Bill Bish NATIONAL COALITION OF MOTORCYCLISTS
About 30 years ago, bikers across America got sick and tired of being told by a bunch of Washington bureaucrats and local politicians who'd never thrown a leg over a motorcycle what they HAD TO WEAR, how they HAD TO RIDE, and what our BIKES HAD TO BE BUILT LIKE!! And over the years, motorcyclists have organized themselves into a viable political force. We are one of the few TRUE grass roots movements in the country. Others may share an avocation, profession or recreation, but they don't share the passion. Bikers have succeeded in taking their passion and turning it into a movement...a "Freedom Movement," because we have the passion for freedom. Freedom is something we believe in, and that motorcycling is just one very enjoyable way to experience it. Well folks, that passion will always be inside you, each of you, the Harley, Honda, Yamaha, BMW or Triumph rider, from the doctor to the construction worker. And that motorcycle will remain an outlet for that passion...as long as we continue to bypass the barriers of appearance or ego and work together to preserve our right to ride. And that's what our movement is all about...a diverse bunch of people, most of us staunch individualists, but with one common denominator and a common goal...Freedom Of The Road. The kind of camaraderie that brought the first two motorcycle riders together to share a ride down a country lane is the same kind of camaraderie that formed our early motorcycle clubs and associations and, eventually, our motorcycle rights organizations. Motorcycle Rights Organizations (MRO's) as we now know them started developing in the early 70's, after the first national helmet effort caused almost every state to pass mandatory lid laws. Since then motorcyclists have never been strangers to political activism. In fact, early motorcycle riders were among the first special interest groups to lobby for better roads. At the turn of the 20th Century as Indian footpaths and trails became rough and rutted dirt roads, motorcycles served as a primary form of transportation, and motorcyclists became vocal about improving the road conditions. Later, riders were among the first groups to push for an interstate highway system. YOU HAVE TO KNOW WHERE YOU'VE BEEN TO KNOW WHERE YOU'RE GOING! My name is Bill Bish, and I'm the former Executive Coordinator of the National Coalition of Motorcyclists and Aid to Injured Motorcyclists (AIM & NCOM), and have been active in bikers rights for over fifteen years. I have served in various state positions with ABATE of California, including two terms as Chairman of the Board and two terms as State Director. Sooo, for you history buffs, I'll try to piece together some of our early beginnings, with apologies to those who were there from the start. I wasn't, so this is only from my early conversations with people like Deacon Dave Phillips, Ron Roloff, Keith Ball, Sherm Packard and others who WERE there, as well as my own research and admittedly spotty memory. But, to help validate this version of Biker History, I ran the article by most of the people mentioned herein. Through NCOM and ABATE of California, I have traveled across the United States to preach unity and spread information, and I will always treasure my memories of the places that bikers' rights has taken me and the friendly faces that have greeted me. Because our issue is so emotional and deeply personal, I have developed close relationships with many Freedom Fighters throughout the country who I am proud to call Brothers and Sisters. It was this deep sense of "family" within the motorcycle rights community that inspired me to trace our Family Tree. Much has been said of the coming new millennium, and of the opportunities and pitfalls our future holds in store, but one thing is certain...YOU CAN'T KNOW WHERE YOU'RE GOING UNLESS YOU KNOW WHERE YOU'VE BEEN! With that thought in mind, I'd like to take you on a brief trip down memory lane, as we open up our Family Album and retrace our History as a bikers' rights movement here in the United States. Don't worry, there won't be a test, and hopefully this brief history lesson will be at least as interesting as your High School History classes!
Easyriders magazine editor Lou Kimzey issued a plea in issue #3, October 1971, for bikers to come together to fight impending restrictions from the National Highway Transportation Safety Administration (NHTSA) by joining a new national bikers' rights organization called the National Custom Cycle Association, but because of a conflict with the acronym the name was changed in February 1972 to A Brotherhood Against Totalitarian Enactments (ABATE). I recall Joe Teresi, publisher of Easyriders, telling me that they had a contest around the office to come up with a new name, and one of the secretaries came up with "ABATE". He told me they were on deadline and had to come up with a logo real fast, so they took a stylized German eagle and transformed it into the logo used by many ABATE's to this day. Keith Ball was just 22 when he became the original ABATE manager in 1971, and he later became editor of Easyriders and the National Director of ABATE. He recently retired from Easyriders as the Editorial Director and Executive Vice President of Paisano Publications and went into retirement, though he now operates an internet site called Bikernet.com which still focuses on bikers' rights. Easyriders began granting state charters in 1974, and ABATE's which came into existence around this time were chartered in Kansas, Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, South Carolina and New York; and also MMA of California, MMA of Massachusetts, New Hampshire Motorcycle Rights Organization, Rhode Island Motorcycle Association, Connecticut Motorcycle Rights Association, and the Wisconsin Better Bikers Association. Easyriders published phone numbers, contacts and legislative news, and the bikers rights network began to grow. The Modified Motorcycle Association of California was founded at the same time as many ABATEs.

The original federal helmet mandates, which were instituted in 1966 by Congress and later repealed in 1976, were designed by the U.S. DOT (Department of Transportation) as a means to restrict modified or customized "choppers" which they deemed unsafe. Especially extended forks and apehangers which were popular. Deacon, founder of ABATE of California, once related to me that the 60's fad of ridiculously high sissy bars came about because the government started requiring "grab bars" for passenger safety, so the riders of the day flaunted the law by building them as long and garish as they could get by with. Almost every state during this time began passing handlebar height restrictions, eyewear requirements, motorcycle licensing requirements, lights-on laws and other equipment regulations and many other restrictions. The government claimed that the restriction against our "Freedom Machines" were coming down the pike to make motorcycle riding "safer". Funny, but back in the sixties they just wanted to force bikers off the streets. Publicly they tooted that they wanted to SAVE US from ourselves!

In most states, before motorcyclists became politically organized, the clubs were the first to fight helmet laws and other restrictions. In many instances clubs founded the states' motorcycle rights organizations. Before MMA or ABATE of California came into existence, the Hells Angels M/C and Ralph "Sonny" Barger in particular had succeeded in keeping the state of California helmet-free even though Congress had passed legislation in 1966 requiring every state to pass a helmet law or lose 10% of their federal highway funds, (this should sound familiar, since we just recently faced the same type of national helmet law in the nineties). Rumors still circulate around Sacramento about 1,000 Hells Angels on the Capitol lawn, and HA's camped out on the door steps of legislative opponents. Soon the old intimidation tactics wore thin and club leaders realized that they needed to legitimize their efforts by creating a more sophisticated political lobbying arm. In the case of California, the Hells Angels founded the MMA of California. Various states have similar history with local clubs which were the roots of their MRO.

About this same time, the American Motorcyclist Association began to recognize the motorcyclists rights movement and they established the AMA Government Relations Department, but not until 1976. As the rights movement grew, Don Pittsley, a member of the Huns M/C in Connecticut convinced his congressman, Rep Stewart Mckinney, to introduce H.R.3869 to end the Federal authority to withhold highway funds from states without helmet laws. In July of 1975, Rob Rasor of the AMA, Ron Roloff of MMA and Ed Armstrong of ABATE of Chicago presented the House Sub-Committee on Surface Transportation with convincing testimony to repeal the mandates. California was being sued by the DOT, because Governor Ronald Reagan refused to comply with the federal mandate. Roloff helped convince California Senator Alan Cranston to offer the language of the bill as an amendment to the 1975 Federal Highway Act, which passed with overwhelming support from the California delegation because of the impending lawsuit. It was signed by President Gerald Ford on May 5, 1976. Not bad for a rag tag bunch of bikers with little or no previous political ambitions.

Spurred on by many successful protest rallies around the country following the national helmet law repeal, 30 state laws were repealed. ABATE, MMA and other motorcycle rights organizations sprang up in every state across the country and are now a fixture in state houses. There were several failed attempts to start a national motorcycle rights organization, including Easyriders'. In 1985 the Motorcycle Rights Fund (MRF - later changing their name to Motorcycle Riders Foundation) hosted their first Meeting of the Minds conference, and a few months later, in 1986, the National Coalition of Motorcyclists (NCOM) held their first National Convention. Motorcycling leaders realized the need for a united voice and the necessity of networking and communications, and both the MRF and NCOM grew and have become effective partners with state MRO's in protecting riders' rights on the federal, state and local fronts.

The concept of unity was put to the test in the early 1990's, when Congress again attempted to force states into passing helmet laws, and American motorcyclists came together en masse, and in a coordinated effort between the MRF and NCOM virtually every state sent representatives from their State MRO to walk the hallowed halls of Washington, D.C., in search of their U.S. Senators and Representatives. The grand lobbying experiment WORKED, and in just FOUR YEARS bikers were able to convince Congress to once again repeal their misdirected and misguided "nanny" law and return the decision to the individual states. That same legislation also repealed the 55 mph minimum speed limit! Soon afterwards, Arkansas modified their mandatory helmet law to allow Freedom of Choice for adult riders 21 and older. Texas soon followed, as well as Kentucky, Louisiana and, most recently, Florida. Today, the scoreboard reads 20 Helmet Law States vs. 30 Free Choice States!

As a result of our newfound political clout, motorcyclists have successfully approached Congress twice over the past few years, first in 1996 to grant federal protections against insurance discrimination based on mode of transportation because many companies (most notably Ruger Firearms and the Teamsters Union) were denying medical benefits to employees injured in motorcycle accidents). Although this legislation was recently nullified by new federal regulations written in the waning days of the Clinton Administration, this nationwide effort was textbook politics at its best. The fight continues but the movement WILL succeed in reinstating the intent of Congress to protect us against insurance discrimination. Then, in 1998, motorcyclists united once again to put together a pro-active agenda for bikers, and succeeded in lobbying it through Congress. Included in this "wish list" for bikers was a guarantee that motorcyclists would be included during the development of the Intelligent Transportation System (ITS) technology, which ensures that motorcycles are guaranteed access to any and all roads built with the use of federal highway funds (no road bans). This effort will restrict anti-motorcycle lobbying efforts by NHTSA and provides $131 million for recreational trails development and maintenance!

During this active span of time, many state rights groups have become proactive within their states instead of RE-acting to legislative threats. Minnesota passed our nation's first law to make it illegal to discriminate against someone because they ride a motorcycle. Arizona, Iowa, Oregon and Washington have successfully repealed or modified their state's handlebar height laws. Virginia and Illinois have lobbied their states to reinforce the federally guaranteed access to roads by passing laws to protect our rights to ride on any roads within their state boundaries. Virginia and Maryland amended their state's parking laws to allow more than one bike per metered space. And several states have fought and defeated "No Fault" insurance proposals that are unfair to motorcyclists. Also, now, through the work of the National Coalition of Motorcyclists, patch holders in nearly 40 states and two Canadian Provinces have come together to form Confederations of Clubs to fight discrimination and police harassment through the courts, bringing the motorcycle rights network full circle with the rejuvenated interest of the motorcycle club community.

While our early bikers' rights leaders paved our way, other dynamic and concerned riders have come forward to take the reigns and lead us into the new millennium. We should never forget the efforts and sacrifices of our predecessors who faced intimidation from law enforcement, indifference from legislators and animosity from a public that saw "The Wild One" one too many times. They got the job done. Were it not for their perseverance and dedication, we would not have become the respected and effective grass roots lobbying group that we are today.

So, there you have it. The roots of ABATE and the American motorcyclists' rights movement run deep in the hearts of those of us who have accepted and, in turn, passed on the torch of Freedom of the Road. To all those who came before, we salute you. Where will the future take us? That's entirely up to you. New restrictions on our freedom and our motorcycles are coming at us now from across the big pond If we don't increase our political strength, we may be looking at the last days of motorcycling as we know it. W need to protect the future of motorcycling against the upcoming European invasion! The biggest threat facing motorcyclists today is not necessarily from our own Government. It may very well be the EUROPEAN THREAT, as the strictest motor vehicle standards in the world are adopted as global standards. On June 25, 1998, the global motorcycle came closer to reality, as the United States, Japan and the 15 member countries of the European Union (EU) signed an agreement in Geneva, under the auspices of the United Nations, to develop global regulations concerning the safety performance of motor vehicles and equipment. So, the UNIVERSAL motorcycle is on it's way. The automotive and motorcycle industries have long advocated global uniformity of standards, because conflicting standards mean expensive design changes for each market. Unfortunately for motorcyclists, this means that European threats such as leg protectors, air bags, noise limits, horsepower restrictions and anti-tampering measures, will now become global issues. There are 300,000 new bikes sold in the USA each year, and 1,000,000 new bikes sold in Europe. Which standards do you think will apply? Construction standards could ban: Air-cooled engines, open chain drives, 2-stroke motors, self-tuning and customizing. Regulations will include Catalytic Converters to reduce emissions, along with reducing power and increasing fuel consumption, while driving up the cost of motorcycles. Medium/Long Term Threats in Europe include the following: Vintage/classics banished to museums, due to End-of-Life issues Construction standards mandated Using "Anti-Tampering" Sheer Bolts to prevent home maintenance and performance work. Armored, high visibility clothing. Bike bans on certain roads, in certain tourist areas and when pollution levels rise. Massive road tax increases and heavy-handed taxes on motorcycles. Multi-stage (tiered) licensing to ride a motorcycle, and very expensive. Yes, and research continues, even today, on leg protectors and air bags! Vision Zero: There's no such thing as an "accident" with today's technologically advanced vehicles. BUT motorcycles will always be subject to human errorŠtherefore they would be BANNED under this proposed Swedish plan which almost became official policy! Intelligent Transportation System: Basically, the purpose of ITS is to use technology to achieve a more efficient flow of traffic. But while the goal is safer, quicker travel, ultimately ITS technology will eliminate human error by taking control of the vehicle away from the driver. NHTSA promises active public participation in the development of the new global motor vehicle safety standards, with public meetings and comment periods as the plan is implemented, and Congress has promised that motorcycles will be included in any future ITS developments. Motorcyclists will have to ensure that our collective voice is heard during the planning stages. So, if we want to continue to ride free, we must spread the word to other concerned riders, to our youth, and to our legislators. Join a motorcycle rights group and support their efforts. Freedom will never die. --Bill Bish
http://www.ridersforjustice.com/Articles/A%20history%20of%20Biker%20Rights.htm

What makes a police officer powerless? When citizens know their rights

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Police officers hate to hear these words:
"Am I free to go?"
"I'm going to remain silent."
"I don't consent to a search."
 You have rights during a traffic stop or during any police encounter. Learn what your rights are and use them!
 1. Your Safety -Start by putting the police officer at ease. Pull over to a safe place, turn off your ignition, stay in the car and keep your hands on the steering wheel. At night turn on the interior light. Keep your license, registration and proof of insurance close by like in your "sun visor."
 Be courteous, stay calm, smile and don't complain. Show respect and say things like "sir and no sir." Never bad-mouth a police officer, stay in control of your words, body language and your emotions. Keep your hands where the police officer can see them. Never touch a police officer and never run away!
 2. Never Talk To A Police Officer -The only questions you need to answer is your name, address, date of birth, sometimes your social security number but NOTHING else! "In some states you can refuse to give your I.D. card to a police officer, know the laws of your state."  Instead of telling the police officer who you are, give him your driver's license or your I.D. card. All the information the police officer needs to know about you, can be found on your i.d. card or drivers license. If you can keep your mouth shut, you just might come out ahead more than you expected.
 I'm Going to Remain Silent- The Supreme Court says you should never talk to a police officereven if you're not under arrest, without an attorney. The Supreme Court ruled you must speak up and SAY to the police officer "I'm going to remain silent" and then keep your mouth shut even if you're not under arrest. How can you be falsely accused and charged with a crime, if you don't say anything? Never talk to a police officer before or after you get arrested. Anything you say or do, can and will be used against you at anytime by the police.
 3. Just Say NO to Police Searches! -If a police officer didn't need your permission to search you, he wouldn't be asking you. Never give permission for a police officer to search you, your car or your home. If a police officer does search you, don't resist and just keep saying "I don't consent to this search."

 4.
Am I Free to Go? -As soon as the police officer ask you a question ask him, "Am I free to go?"You have to ask if you're "free to go," otherwise the police officer will think that you're voluntarily staying around to talk with him. If the police officer says that you're being detained or arrested tell the police officer, "I'm going to remain silent."

Anything You Say Can And Will Be Used Against You!
 Silence is not an admission of guilt and can't be used against you in court.
  Police officers will be videotaping or audio recording you and this is why you must NEVER talk to the police officer. You have every right NOT to talk to a police officer and you should NOT talk to a police officer unless you have first consulted with a lawyer and the lawyer has advised you differently. Police officers depend on fear and intimidation to get what they want from you and this includes giving up your rights. The government made a law that allows police officers to lie to American citizens. That's another reason not to trust the police or the Federal government.
 Never voluntarily talk to a police officer, there's no such thing as a "friendly chat."  Let the police officer do all the talking and you stay silent. The Supreme Court has recently ruled that you should NOT talk to a police officer if you have NOT been arrestedand you must say out loud "I'm going to remain silent." It can be very dangerous to talk to a police officer or a Federal Agent. Innocent people have talked to a police officer and ended up in jail and prison all because they spoke to a police officer without an attorney.
 Police officers have the same right as you, "Freedom of Speech." Police may ask you anything they want, but you should never answer any of their questions. Don't let the police officer try and persuade you to talk! Say something like "I'm sorry, I don't have time to talk right now." If the cop insists on talking to you, ask him "Am I free to go?" The police officer may not like when you refuse to talk to him and challenge you with words like, "If you have anything to hide, why won't you speak to me? Say to the officer again "I told you I don't have time to talk to you right now, Am I free to go?" If you forget or the police officer tricks you into talking, it's okay just start over again and tell the police officer "I'm going to remain silent."
 The Supreme Court has ruled that if a police officer doesn't force you to do something, then you're doing it "voluntarily." That means if the police officer starts being intimidating and you do what he "ask" because you're "afraid," you still have done it voluntarily. (Florida v. Bostick, 1991) If you do what the police officer "ask" you to do such as allowing him to search your car or answer any of his questions, you are "voluntarily" complying with his "requests."So don't comply, just keep your mouth shut unless you say "Am I Free to Go?"or "I don't consent to a search."
 Be as nice as possible to the police officer, but stand your ground on your rights! Where do some of your rights come from? Read the Fourth and Fifth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. 

Traffic Stops and Your Rights
  Keep your license, registration and proof of insurance in an easily accessible place, like your sun visor. When pulled over by a police officer stay in the car, turn on the interior lights and keep your hands on the steering wheel. Sit still, relax and wait for the officer to come to you. Any sudden movements, ducking down, looking nervous or appearing to be searching for something under your seat could get you shot.
 Don't forget during traffic stops the police are videotaping you, this is why you must NOT talk to the police officer. Police officers like to ask the first question and that's usually, "do you know why I stopped you? Do you know how fast you were going?" The police officer is trying to get you to do two things, admit that you committed a traffic violation and to get you to "voluntarily" start a conversation with him.Remember the police officer is not your friend and should not be trusted! The only thing you need to say is "I'm going to remain silent or am I free to go?"
 The police officer might start asking you personal questions such as "where are you going, where have you been and who did you see, ect." At that point it's the perfect time to exercise your rights by asking the police officer "AM I FREE TO GO?" There's NO legal requirement that American citizens provide information about their comings and goings to a police officer. It's none of the police officers damn business! Keep asking the police officer "AM I FREE TO GO?" You have to speak up and verbally ask the police officer if you're allowed to leave, otherwise the courts will assume that you wanted to stay and talk to the police officer on your own free will.
 Passengers in your vehicle need to know their rights as well. They have the same right NOT to talk to a police officer and the right to refuse a search "unless it's a 'pat down' for weapons." The police will usually separate the passengers from each other and ask questions to see if their stories match. All passengers should always give the same answer and say, "I'm going to remain silent and am I free to go?" Remember you have to tell the police officer that you don't want to talk to him. It's the law 
 How long can a police officer keep you pulled over "detained" during a traffic stop? The Supreme Court has made mention that no more than 15-20 minutes is a reasonable amount of time for a police officer to conduct his investigation and allow you to go FREE on your way.  But you have to keep asking the police officer "AM I FREE TO GO?"
 During a traffic stop a good time to ask  "AM I FREE TO GO,"  is after the police officer has given you a "warning or a ticket" and you have signed it. Once you have signed the ticket the traffic stop is legally over says the U.S. Supreme Court. There's no law that requires you to stay and talk to the police officer or answer any questions. After you have signed the ticket and got your license back you may roll up your window, start your car and leave. If you're outside the car ask the police officer, "AM I FREE TO GO?" If he says yes then get in your car and leave.

Car Searches and Body Searches
Remember the police officer wouldn't be asking you, if he didn't need your permission to search! "The right to be free from unreasonable searches is one of America's most precious First Liberties."
 Police officers swore an oath to uphold the U.S. Constitution and not to violate your rights against unreasonable search and seizure Fourth Amendment.  Denying a police officers request to search you or your car is not an admission of guilt, it's your American right! Some police officers might say, "if you have nothing to hide, you should allow me to search." Politely say to the police officer "I don't consent to a search, am I FREE to go?"
 For the safety of police officers the government allows the police to pat down your outer clothing to see if you have any weapons. If the police officer feels something that he believes is a weapon, then he can go into your pockets and pull out the item he believes is a weapon.
 A police officer may ask you or even demand that you empty your pockets, but you have the right to say "NO! AM I FREE TO GO?"There's NO law that requires you to empty your pockets when a police officer tells you to do so. The only time a police officer are allowed to be taking your personal property out of your pockets is after you have been arrested.
 The police officer is allowed to handcuff you and/or detain you in his police car. Don't resist or you will be arrested! There's a big difference between being detained and being arrested. Say nothing in the police car! Police will be recording your conversation inside the police car, say nothing to your friend and don't talk to the police officers inside the car!
  If you are arrested and your car is towed, the police are allowed to take an "inventory" of the items in your car. If anything is found illegal in your vehicle, the police will get a warrant from a judge and then charge you with another crime.

Don't Open Your Door At Home If A Police Officer Knocks!
 If the police knock on your door at home, there's no law that says you have to open your door to police officers. "Don't worry if they do have a search warrant, they'll kick down your door before they knock." * There is NO law that requires you to open your door to a police officer.*  Don't open your door with the chain-lock on either, police officers will shove their way in. Simply shout to the police officers "I HAVE NOTHING TO SAY" or just don't say anything at all.
 Guest and roommates staying in your home/apartment/dorm need to be told of their rights and not to open the door to a police officer or invite police officer into your home without your permission. Police officers are like vampires, they need your permission to come into your home.
 Never agree to go to the police station if the police want to question you. Just say, "I HAVE NOTHING TO SAY."
 * In some emergency situations (for example when a someone is screaming for help from inside your home, police are chasing someone into your home, police see a felony being committed or if someone has called 911 from inside your house) police officers are allowed to enter and search your home without a warrant.
 Teenagers have rights also, if you're under 18 click here. If your children don't know their rights and they go talking to a teacher, school principal, police officer or a Federal agent without an attorney, it could cost your family dearly and change the lives of your family forever!

Dealing With a Police Officer In Public
 NEVER give consent to a police officer and allow for a conversation to start. If a police officer stops you and ask to speak with you, you're perfectly within your rights to say "I do not wish to speak with you," then say good-bye. At this point you should be free to leave, but the police officer might ask for your identification. If you have identification on you, tell the officer where it's at and ask permission to reach for it. "In some states you're not required to show an I.D. unless the police officer has reasonable suspicion that you committed a crime, know the laws of your state!"
 The police officer might start asking you questions, at this point you may ask the officer "Am I Free to Go?"The police officer may not like this and may challenge you with words like, "If you have nothing to hide, why won't you speak to me?" Just like the first question, you don't have to answer this question either. 
  Police officers need your permission to have a conversation. There is NO law that says you have tell a police officer where you are going or where you have been, so keep your mouth shut and say nothing! Don't answer any questions (except name, address and age) until you have a lawyer.

Probable Cause
 A police officer has no right to detain you unless there exist reasonable suspicion that you have committed a crime or traffic violation.  However a police officer is always allowed to initiate a "voluntary" conversation with you. You always have the right not to talk or answer any questions a police officer might ask you. Just tell the police officer, "I'm going to remain silent."
  Under the
Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, police may engage in "reasonable" searches and seizures. To prove that a search is reasonable the police generally must show that it's more likely than not that a crime has occurred and that if a search is conducted it's probable that the police officer will find evidence of the crime. This is called "probable cause."

  Police may use first hand information or tips from an informant "
snitch" to justify the need to search your property or you. If an informant's information is used, the police must prove that the information is reliable under the circumstances to a judge.

  Here's a case when several police officers took the word of a "
snitch," claiming he knew where a "drug dealer" lived. Corrupt police officers in Houston Texas took it upon themselves to go to this house that the snitch had "picked at random" and the officers kicked in the front door at 1:30 in the morning. Police never bothered to get a warrant from a judge. The aftermath was... Police Officers In Texas Are Allowed to Murder Innocent People and Get Away With It
 
Should We Trust Police Officers?
 Are police officers allowed to lie to you? Yes the Supreme Court has ruledpolice officers can lie to the American people. Police officers are trained at lying, twisting words and being manipulative. Police officers and other law enforcement agents are very skilled at getting information from people. So don't try to "out smart" a police officer and don't try being a "smooth talker" because you will loose! If you can keep your mouth shut, you just might come out ahead more than you expected.
 Teach your children that they must call a parent for permission before they're allowed to talk to police officer. Remember police officers are trained to put your child at ease and build trust. A police officers job is to find, arrest and help convict a suspect and that suspect could be your child! 
 Although police officers may seem nice and pretend to be on your side theywant to learn your habits, opinions, and affiliations of other people not suspected of wrongdoing. Don't try to answer a police officers questions, it can be very dangerous! You can never tell how a seemingly harmless bit of information that you give to a police officer might be used and misconstrued to hurt you or someone else. Also keep in mind that lying to a federal agent is a Federal crime. "That's why Martha Stewart went to prison, not for insider trading but for lying to a Federal Agent."

Lies Police Officers Will Say To Get You to Talk
 There'smany ways a police officer can LIE and trick you into talking. It's always safe to say the Magic Words: "Am I free to leave? I'm going to remain silent and I want a lawyer."
 The following are common lie's the police use when they're trying to get you to talk:
 *  "You will have to stay here and answer my questions" or "You're not leaving until I find out what I want to know."
 *  "I have evidence on you, so tell me what I want to know or else." (Police can fabricate fake evidence to convince you to tell them what they want to know.)
 *  "You're not a suspect, were simply investigating here. Help us understand what happened and then you may leave."
 *  "If you don't answer my questions, I won't have any choice but to take you to jail."
 *  "If you don't answer these questions, you'll be charged with resisting arrest."
 * "Your friend has told his side of the story and it's not looking good for you, anything you want to tell me?

If The Police Arrest You
 
  "I WILL NOT TALK UNTIL I HAVE A LAWYER!"
* Don't answer any questions the police ask you, (except for your name, address and age.) Any other questions the police officer ask you, just say I want to talk to my lawyer.
 * Police officers don't always have to read to you the Miranda Rights after you've been arrested. If you "voluntarily" talk a police officer, the police officer doesn't have to read your Miranda Rights. Talking to a police officer at anytime can be very dangerous!
 * Never talk to other jail inmates about your case.
 * Within a reasonable time after your arrest or booking, you have the right to make a local phone call to a lawyer, bail bondsman, relative or any other person you choose. The police can't listen to you your phone call if you're talking to your lawyer.
 * The longest you can be held in jail is 72 hours. If you get arrested on a 3 day weekend you may not see the judge until Tuesday morning. Otherwise youwill usuallyget out of jail in 4 to 24 hours if you can make bond.
 * If you're on probation or parole tell your P.O. you've been arrested and say nothing else to him!

7 Rules for Recording Police

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Courts are expanding rights but cops are cracking down. Find out how to keep your footage, and yourself, out of trouble.


Last week the City of Boston agreed to pay Simon Glik $170,000 in damages and legal fees to settle a civil rights lawsuit stemming from his 2007 felony arrest for videotaping police roughing up a suspect. Prior to the settlement, the First Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously ruled that Glik had a “constitutionally protected right to videotape police carrying out their duties in public.” The Boston Police Department now explicitly instructs its officers not to arrest citizens openly recording them in public.
Slowly but surely the courts are recognizing that recording on-duty police is a protected First Amendment activity. But in the meantime, police around the country continue to intimidate and arrest citizens for doing just that. So if you’re an aspiring cop watcher you must be uniquely prepared to deal with hostile cops.
If you choose to record the police you can reduce the risk of terrible legal consequences and video loss by understanding your state’s laws and carefully adhering to the following rules.

Rule #1: Know the Law (Wherever You Are)
Conceived at a time when pocket-sized recording devices were available only to James Bond types, most eavesdropping laws were originally intended to protect people against snoops, spies, and peeping Toms. Now with this technology in the hands of average citizens, police and prosecutors are abusing these outdated laws to punish citizens merely attempting to document on-duty police.
The law in 38 states plainly allows citizens to record police, as long as you don’t physically interfere with their work. Police might still unfairly harass you, detain you, or confiscate your camera. They might even arrest you for some catchall misdemeanor such as obstruction of justice or disorderly conduct. But you will not be charged for illegally recording police.
Twelve states—California, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Washington—require the consent of all parties for you to record a conversation.
However, all but 2 of these states—Massachusetts and Illinois—have an “expectation of privacy provision” to their all-party laws that courts have ruled does not apply to on-duty police (or anyone in public). In other words, it’s technically legal in those 48 states to openly record on-duty police.

Rule #2 Don’t Secretly Record Police
In most states it’s almost always illegal to record a conversation in which you’re not a party and don’t have consent to record. Massachusetts is the only state to uphold a conviction for recording on-duty police, but that conviction was for a secret recording where the defendant failed to inform police he was recording. (As in the Glik case, Massachusetts courts have ruled that openly recording police is legal, but secretly recording them isn’t.)
Fortunately, judges and juries are soundly rejecting these laws. Illinois, the state with the most notorious anti-recording laws in the land, expressly forbids you from recording on-duty police. Early last month an Illinois judge declared that law unconstitutional, ruling in favor of Chris Drew, a Chicago artist charged with felony eavesdropping for secretly recording his own arrest. Last August a jury acquitted Tiawanda Moore of secretly recording two Chicago Police Internal Affairs investigators who encouraged her to drop a sexual harassment complaint against another officer. (A juror described the case to a reporter as “a waste of time.”) In September, an Illinois state judge dropped felony charges against Michael Allison. After running afoul of local zoning ordinances, he faced up to 75 years in prison for secretly recording police and attempting to tape his own trial.
The lesson for you is this: If you want to limit your legal exposure and present a strong legal case, record police openly if possible. But if you videotape on-duty police from a distance, such an announcement might not be possible or appropriate unless police approach you.

 Rule #3: Respond to “Shit Cops Say”
When it comes to police encounters, you don’t get to choose whom you’re dealing with. You might get Officer Friendly, or you might get Officer Psycho. You’ll likely get officers between these extremes. But when you “watch the watchmen,” you must be ready to think on your feet.
In most circumstances, officers will not immediately bull rush you for filming them. But if they aren’t properly trained, they might feel like their authority is being challenged. And all too often police are simply ignorant of the law. Part of your task will be to convince them that you’re not a threat while also standing your ground.
“What are you doing?”
Police aren’t celebrities, so they’re not always used to being photographed in public. So even if you’re recording at a safe distance, they might approach and ask what you are doing. Avoid saying things like “I’m recording you to make sure you’re doing your job right” or “I don’t trust you.”
Instead, say something like “Officer, I’m not interfering. I’m asserting my First Amendment rights. You’re being documented and recorded offsite.”
Saying this while remaining calm and cool will likely put police on their best behavior. They might follow up by asking, “Who do you work for?” You may, for example, tell them you’re an independent filmmaker or a citizen journalist with a popular website/blog/YouTube show. Whatever you say, don’t lie—but don’t let police trick you into thinking that the First Amendment only applies to mainstream media journalists. It doesn’t.
“Let me see your ID.”
In the United States there’s no law requiring you to carry a government ID. But in 24 states police may require you to identify yourself if they have reasonable suspicion that you’re involved in criminal activity.
But how can you tell if an officer asking for ID has reasonable suspicion? Police need reasonable suspicion to detain you, so one way to tell if they have reasonable suspicion is to determine if you're free to go. You can do this by saying “Officer, are you detaining me, or am I free to go?”
If the officer says you’re free to go or you’re not being detained, it’s your choice whether to stay or go. But if you're detained, you might say something like, “I’m not required to show you ID, but my name is [your full name].” It’s up to you if you want to provide your address and date of birth if asked for it, but I’d stop short of giving them your Social Security number.
“Please stop recording me. It’s against the law.”
Rarely is it advisable to educate officers about the law. But in a tense recording situation where the law is clearly on your side, it might help your case to politely present your knowledge of state law.
For example, if an insecure cop tries to tell you that you’re violating his civil liberties, you might respond by saying “Officer, with all due respect, state law only requires permission from one party in a conversation. I don’t need your permission to record so long as I’m not interfering with your work.”
If you live in one of the 12 all party record states, you might say something like “Officer, I’m familiar with the law, but the courts have ruled that it doesn’t apply to recording on-duty police.”
If protective service officers harass you while filming on federal property, you may remind them of a recently issued directive informing them that there’s no prohibition against public photography at federal buildings.
“Stand back.”
If you’re approaching the scene of an investigation or an accident, police will likely order you to move back. Depending on the circumstances, you might become involved in an intense negotiation to determine the “appropriate” distance you need to stand back to avoid “interfering” with their work.
If you feel you’re already standing at a reasonable distance, you may say something like, “Officer, I have a right to be here. I’m filming for documentation purposes and not interfering with your work.” It’s then up to you to decide how far back you’re willing to stand to avoid arrest.

 Rule #4: Don’t Share Your Video with Police
If you capture video of police misconduct or brutality, but otherwise avoid being identified yourself, you can anonymously upload it to YouTube. This seems to be the safest legal option. For example, a Massachusetts woman who videotaped a cop beating a motorist with a flashlight posted the video to the Internet. Afterwards, one of the cops caught at the scene filed criminal wiretapping charges against her. (As usual, the charges against her were later dropped.)
 On the other hand, an anonymous videographer uploaded footage of an NYPD officer body-slamming a man on a bicycle to YouTube. Although the videographer was never revealed, the video went viral. Consequently, the manufactured assault charges against the bicyclist were dropped, the officer was fired, and the bicyclist eventually sued the city and won a $65,000 settlement.

 Rule #5: Prepare to be Arrested
Keene, New Hampshire resident Dave Ridley is the avatar of the new breed of journalist/activist/filmmaker testing the limits of the First Amendment right to record police. Over the past few years he’s uploaded the most impressive collection of first-person police encounter videos I’ve ever seen.
Ridley’s calm demeanor and knowledge of the law paid off last August after he was arrested for trespassing at an event featuring Vice President Joe Biden. The arresting officers at his trial claimed he refused to leave when ordered to do so. But the judge acquitted him when his confiscated video proved otherwise.
With respect to the law Ridley declares, “If you’re rolling the camera, be very open and upfront about it. And look at it as a potential act of civil disobedience for which you could go to jail.” It’s indeed disturbing that citizens who are not breaking the law should prepare to be arrested, but in the current legal fog this is sage advice.
“Shut it off, or I’ll arrest you.”
At this point you are risking arrest in order to test the boundaries of free speech. So if police say they’ll arrest you, believe them. You may comply by saying something like “Okay, Officer. But I’m turning the camera off under protest.”
If you keep recording, brace yourself for arrest. Try your best not to drop your camera, but do not physically resist. As with any arrest, you have the right to remain silent until you speak with a lawyer. Use it.
Remember that the camera might still be recording. So keep calm and act like you’re being judged by a jury of millions of your YouTube peers, because one day you might be.

Rule #6: Master Your Technology
Smartphone owners now outnumber users of more basic phones. At any moment there are more than 100 million Americans in reach of a device that can capture police misconduct and share it with the world in seconds.
If you’re one of them, you should consider installing a streaming video recording and sharing app such as Qik or Bambuser. Both apps are free and easy to use.
Always Passcode Protect Your Smartphone
The magic of both apps is that they can instantly store your video offsite. This is essential for preserving video in case police illegally destroy or confiscate your camera. But even with these apps installed, you’ll want to make sure that your device is always passcode protected. If a cop snatches your camera, this will make it extremely difficult for her to simply delete your videos. (If a cop tries to trick you into revealing your passcode, never, never, never give it up!)
Keep in mind that Qik and Bambuser’s offsite upload feature might be slow or nonexistent in places without Wi-Fi or a strong 3G/4G signal. Regardless, your captured video will be saved locally on your device until you’ve got a good enough signal to upload offsite.
Set Videos to “Private”
Both apps allow you to set your account to automatically upload videos as “private” (only you can see them) or “public” (everyone can see them). But until police are no longer free to raid the homes of citizens who capture and upload YouTube videos of them going berserk, it’s probably wise to keep your default setting to “private.”
With a little bit of practice you should be able to pull your smartphone from your pocket or purse, turn it on, enter your passcode, open the app, and hit record within 10 seconds. Keep your preferred app easily accessible on your home screen to save precious seconds. But don’t try to shave milliseconds off your time by disabling your passcode.
Both apps share an important feature that allows your video to be saved if your phone is turned off—even if you’re still recording. So if you anticipate that a cop is about to grab your phone, quickly turn it off. Without your passcode, police won’t be able to delete your videos or personal information even if they confiscate or destroy your phone.
With the iPhone 4 and Samsung Galaxy Android devices I tested, when the phone is turned off the Qik app immediately stops recording and uploads the video offsite. But if the phone is turned off while Bambuser records, the recording continues after the screen goes black.
This Bambuser “black out” feature is a double-edged sword. While it could easily trick cops into thinking you’re not recording them, using it could push you into more dangerous legal territory. As previously mentioned, courts have shown a willingness to convict citizens for secretly recording police. So if you’re somehow caught using this feature it might be easier for a prosecutor to convince a judge or jury that you’ve broken the law. It’s up to you to decide if the increased legal risk is worth the potential to capture incriminating police footage.
Other Recording Options
Cameras lacking offsite recording capability are a less desirable option. As mentioned earlier, if cops delete or destroy your footage—which happens waytoooften—you might lose your only hope of challenging their version of events in court. But if you can hold on to your camera, there are some good options.
Carlos Miller is a Miami-based photojournalism activist and writer of the popular Photography is Not a Crime blog. While he carries a professional-end Canon XA10 in the field, he says “I never leave home without a Flip camera on a belt pouch. It’s a very decent camera that’s easier to carry around.”
The top-of-the-line Flip UltraHD starts at $178, but earlier models are available for $60 on Amazon. All flip models have one-button recording, which allows you to pull it out of your pocket and shoot within seconds. The built-in USB then lets you upload video to YouTube or other sharing sites through your PC.
Small businessman and “radical technology” educator Justin Holmes recommends the Canon S-series line of cameras. In 2008, his camera captured a police encounter he had while rollerblading in Port Dickenson, New York. His footage provides an outstanding real-life example of how a calm camera-toting citizen can intelligently flex their rights.
“I typically carry a Canon S5-IS,” Holmes says. “But if I was going to buy one new, I'd go for the SX40-HS. If I were on a budget and buying one used, I'd go for S2-IS or S3-IS.” The features he regards as essential include one-touch video, high-quality stereo condenser microphones, fast zoom during video, and 180x270 variable angle LCD. But the last feature he regards as “absolutely essential.” With it the user can glance at the viewfinder while the camera is below or above eye level.

 Rule #7: Don’t Point Your Camera Like a Gun

“When filming police you always want to avoid an aggressive posture,” insists Holmes. To do this he keeps his strap-supported camera close to his body at waist level. This way he can hold a conversation while maintaining eye contact with police, quickly glancing at the viewfinder to make sure he’s getting a good shot.
Obviously, those recording with a smartphone lack this angled viewfinder. But you can get a satisfactory shot while holding your device at waist level, tilting it upward a few degrees. This posture might feel awkward at first, but it’s noticeably less confrontational than holding the camera between you and the officer’s face.
Also try to be in control of your camera before an officer approaches. You want to avoid suddenly grasping for it. If a cop thinks you’re reaching for a gun, you could get shot.
Becoming a Hero
If you’ve recently been arrested or charged with a crime after recording police, contact a lawyer with your state’s ACLU chapter for advice as soon as possible. (Do not publicly upload your video before then.) You may also contact http://www.pixiq.com/contributors/carlosmillerWe’re not a law firm, but we’ll do our best to help you.
If your case is strong, the ACLU might offer to take you on as a litigant. If you accept, your brave stand could forever change the way police treat citizens asserting their First Amendment right to record police. This path is not for fools, and it might disrupt your life. But next time you see police in action, don’t forget that a powerful tool for truth and justice might literally be in your hands.
Steve Silverman is the founder & executive director of FlexYourRights.org and co-creator of the film 10 Rules for Dealing with Police.

Jury Rights: The Next Flex Thing

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1. What are “Jury Rights”?
2. Movie Overview
3. Campaign Objectives
4. Budget & Plan
5. Donate & Give Me Feedback
Since 2002, Flex Your Rights’ films have taught you and yours how to assert your constitutional rights on the road, in your home, and on the streets. As part of our ongoing effort to eradicate constitutional illiteracy, I decided to cover those three “theaters of battle” first. (28 million YouTube views later, I think we covered ‘em pretty well!)
Now it’s time for us to flex our rights in a courtroom theater — as members of a jury.
1. What are “Jury Rights”?
Jurys have the right and the power to find a defendant “not guilty” even if the evidence shows that a law was broken. Also known as “jury nullification” or “jury independence,” this is a well-established constitutional doctrine in American case law. It’s purpose is to protect defendants from laws that jurors feel are unjust or misapplied.
Unfortunately, most jurors are not aware of their power to vote their conscience. Even fewer know how to intelligently exercise that right. Moreover, judges often do everything in their power to keep jurors in the dark about their right. (New Hampshire is the only state that allows defense attorneys to inform juries of their right to judge the law.)
But Flex fans like you already know that you can’t count on government officials to tell you about your constitutional rights. Jury rights are no exception. That’s what this new movie is all about!
2. Movie Overview
The working title of the 40-minute film is Not Guilty: A Juror’s Guide to Protecting Good People from Bad Laws.
The main storyline features a young woman being interviewed by a reporter. She’s outing herself as the holdout juror who refused to convict a high-profile medical marijuana grower, leading to his [Spoiler Alert!] acquittal.
Through flashbacks, we learn how she embraced the news of her jury summons. Instead of avoiding service — like so many of us try to do — she carefully prepared to improve her odds of getting selected. We see how she cleverly responds to lawyers’ questions intended to weed-out conscientious jurors. Then we watch her win over jury members initially set on conviction.
Not Guilty will also present a brief history of jury independence, and straightforwardly address the most compelling moral justifications and criticisms of the practice. Viewers will fully appreciate how jury service is one of the most important things they can do to fight abusive government power.
3. Campaign Objectives
First things first, I want to create the most powerful, entertaining, and enduring jury education tool in the universe. Brochures, essays, and expert lectures are essential jury education media. But film has a unique power to inspire us to act.
When it’s completed, I will upload the full-length version and a 5-minute teaser trailer to YouTube. I’ll do my bit to persuade popular bloggers and mainstream media reporters to cover it. But ultimately the video will sink or swim based on its own merits.
It’s impossible to know exactly how popular these new jury rights videos will be. But if view trends for our existing YouTube videos offer any hint, I think that we could reach 10 million new video views within the first year of release.
But video views will be just the first measure of success. The most valuable victories will be won months and years later. These will be counted by the number of viewers who get on juries AND refuse to convict defendants charged with victimless crimes AND then choose to out themselves to the media just like our brave protagonist.
Each and every new “not guilty” verdict sends a powerful message to prosecutors and legislators: We the people will no longer help the government lock up good people for breaking bad laws.
4. Budget & Plan
My primary 2013 goal is to raise $100K to produce Not Guilty. That was the budget for our most recent film, 10 Rules for Dealing with Police. With fewer shooting locations than 10 Rules had, we should be able to achieve even better production quality with a $100K budget.
Los Angeles filmmaker Adam “Hawk” Jensen is set to direct. You might have seen his excellent Reason.TV video, The Government’s War on Cameras. Longtime Flex filmmaker Roger Sorkin is set to produce.
My secondary 2013 goal will be to complete the Not Guilty screenplay. As I explore the topic I’ll interview some of the top lawyers, scholars, and activists covering this issue. These include — but are not limited to — Radley BalkoClay ConradProf. Paul ButlerProf. James DuaneIloilo JonesProf. Michael HuemerProf. Angela J. DavisJulian HeicklenMark Sisti, and Ed “NJWeedman” Forchion.
5. Donate & Give Me Feedback
In the coming weeks and months I’ll flesh out the project in greater detail. But in the meantime your early support helps aid my writing, research, and outreach to grant-giving foundations.
Speaking of foundation grants, they take lots of time and effort to secure. (And only a precious few fund film.) So every dollar I can raise from you — my most reliable givers — provides more proof that we have a groundswell of support needed to make this project succeed.
Also, many of you are already jury nullification experts who have something to teach me. If you’ve got a short story to share about your own jury experience or you’re a lawyer or defendant with personal insights or ideas, please contact me directly or post a comment to Flex Your Rights’ Facebook page.
I’m excited to hear what you think!

Steve Silverman, Founder & Executive Director
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