Quantcast
Channel: Bikers Of America, Know Your Rights!
Viewing all 6498 articles
Browse latest View live

Police Body Cameras

$
0
0


OFF THE WIRE

A fairly common recommendation for reducing police misconduct is to increase use of body cameras. By recording police-citizen encounters, police supervisors, judges, reporters, and others can get objective evidence of what happened instead of self-serving hearsay.
The proposal is gaining popularity, but it is also more complicated than most people realize. First, there are privacy concerns for persons who do not want their police encounters on the evening news or splashed across social media. Second, the costs involved in maintaining a body camera system are not insignificant. Those costs have to be weighed against other police needs and other reform measures.
Do police body cameras improve police behavior?
The short answer is that it is too early to tell. However, the results from the several studies on police body cameras are encouraging.
One of the most cited police body camera studies was conducted in Rialto, California between February 2012 and February 2013. During the trial, 54 front line officers were randomly assigned to either wear body cameras or to not wear the cameras while on shift. Of the 988 shifts examined by researchers, officers wore body cameras in 489 and did not in 499. Researchers compared the number of use-of-force incidents and complaints against police in the trial period to previous years. The results, based on data from the trial, are below.

At first glance, it might be tempting to correlate the reduction in use-of-force incidents and complaints against the police with the introduction of body cameras. But, it is important to keep in mind that the Rialto trial began in February 2012; only a month after a new chief took over the department. The new chief, William A. Farrar, was one of the authors of the Rialto study and he implemented several reforms after starting his new job. Thus, it is difficult to determine now much of the decline in use-of-force incidents and complaints can be directly attributed to the police body cameras. The Rialto study also cannot explain whether the drop in use-of-force incidents and complaints can be attributed to police or citizens changing their behavior. As the researchers wrote, “we do not know on which party in an encounter the cameras have had an effect on, or how the two effects — on officers and on suspects — interact.”
While it is the case that police body cameras cannot conclusively be shown to improve citizen or police behavior this is not in and of itself an argument against the use of police body cameras. Body camera footage has proved valuable in investigations into police misconduct.
What are the privacy implications of body cameras?
Police body cameras raise privacy concerns. The indiscriminate release of body camera footage could have a devastating effect on the victims of crime. Those crafting police body camera policy have to effectively balance privacy with the desire to hold police officers accountable for their actions.
What does such a policy look like? Legislators, law enforcement organizations, and civil liberty groups have all made police body camera recommendations. However, some police departments that use body cameras either do not have policies in place or do not release them.
In October 2014 the ACLU asked twenty of the largest police departments as well as 10 departments that attended a body camera conference hosted by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) for their body camera policies. According to the ACLU’s Sonia Roubini, “Only five of these thirty departments sent me their policies. The remaining twenty-five cited various reasons for not doing so.” Of those five departments only one had its police body camera policy available online.
It is especially important that body camera policies be public because the nature of a police officer’s job means that he will often see citizens at tragic and embarrassing moments. There is an understandable concern related to the release of footage involving not only victims of crime but also children, accidents, and the inside of private residences, hospitals, and schools.
Lawmakers across the U.S. have responded to privacy concerns in a variety of ways. In North Dakota the governor signed a bill exempting police body camera footage “taken in a private place” from public record requests, while in Florida and Michigan lawmakers introduced bills which would limit the release of police body camera footage captured inside a citizen’s home. Florida’s bill, SB 248, would also limit the release of footage captured within “health care, mental health care, or social services” facilities as well as “at the scene of a medical emergency involving a death or involving an injury that requires transport to a medical facility.” Proposed New Hampshire legislation would require police officers to wear body cameras, but would exempt the footage from public record requests.
Civil liberty groups and non-profits have also made body camera policy proposals. Police Executive Research Forum published a paper on implementing a police body camera policy, which recommended that some recordings should be prohibited. Among the recordings PERF recommended prohibiting are those of strips searches, conversations with informants, and those that take place “where a reasonable expectation of privacy exists.”
An ACLU paper said that the release of body camera footage should depend on whether the footage is “flagged” or “unflagged.” Flagged footage would include footage that captures use-of-force incidents, arrests, detentions, or an incident subject to a complaint. Unflagged footage would be footage that does not include the “flagged” incidents just described.
The paper recommends that unflagged footage be deleted after weeks, and that unflagged and unredacted footage should not be released without the consent of the subject. Flagged footage should be available to the public even in cases when redaction is not possible “because in such cases the need for oversight generally outweighs the privacy interests at stake.”
The storing and redaction of body camera footage is a time consuming as well as expensive undertaking. During the time of a police body camera study in Mesa, Arizona, three police body camera videos were forwarded to the Mesa Police Department Video Services Unit. The videos, which ranged from one to two hours long, took a total of 30.5 hours to edit for redaction.1
In May 2015 the Associated Press reported that Cleveland expected to spend at least half a million dollars a year simply to store, maintain, and replace the body cameras. The AP also reported that the combined cost of 1,500 Taser body cameras and the data storage could be up to $3.3 million over five years. The Albany Democrat-Heraldreported that body camera footage storage was affecting the court system in Linn County, Oregon. The body cameras being used by two police agencies in the county have significantly contributed to the amount of data being stored by the Linn County District Attorney’s office, which in 2011 had 45 gigabytes of media downloads, compared with 351 gigabytes of downloaded evidence in the first three months of 2015.
Improvements in technology will undoubtedly make the redaction and storage of police body camera footage less expensive. But, for the foreseeable future, the redaction and storage of police body camera footage will continue to impose a significant cost to law enforcement agencies. Indeed, cost is sometimes cited by police agencies as a reason why body cameras have not been deployed. In 2014 PERF conducted a survey of police departments and found that “39 percent of the respondents that do not use body-worn cameras cited cost as a primary reason.”
It is possible that some of the fiscal impact of police body camera footage redaction and storage could be offset by the impact the cameras have on litigation arising from bogus complaints. However, it remains to be seen if that will be the case.
Of course the cost of a police body camera policy will depend in part on what footage is redacted. As noted above, redaction contributes to the cost of body camera programs. A policy that strictly limits redaction of footage captured in public and redacts some material filmed inside a private residence would be less expensive (all else being equal) than a policy that requires a heavy degree of redaction of footage captured in public.
What does the increased use of body cameras mean for American policing?
It is still too soon to tell. As mentioned above, it is not yet clear what effect, if any, body cameras have on citizens or police officers. In addition, it is the case that instances of police misconduct have occurred despite the officers involved wearing body cameras. This shouldn’t be too surprising given that police officers have been caught behaving poorly in front of dash cams.
But, the use of police body cameras is supported across political and racial demographics, as the following graphs based on April 2015 YouGov polling show:2


In the coming years an increasing number of Americans will come to expect that their police officers be equipped with body cameras. Advances in technology will make this expectation more pronounced as the cost of using police body cameras decreases.
While police body cameras do have potential to improve law enforcement accountability and provide extra evidence, they are not a police misconduct panacea. Reducing incidents of police misconduct requires not only body cameras, but also reforms of use-of-force policy and training as well as changes to how police misconduct is investigated.
Conclusion
  • The research on police body cameras is limited but encouraging.
  • Police body cameras do pose privacy concerns, but those concerns can be resolved with the right policies in place.
  • The public widely supports police officers wearing body cameras, but the technology alone is not a panacea for police misconduct.
Suggested readings:
Barak Ariel, William A. Farrar, Alex Sutherland, “The Effect of Police Body-Worn Cameras on Use of Force and Citizens’ Complaints Against the Police: A Randomized Controlled Trial,” Journal of Quantitative Criminology, November 2014, doi: http://10.1007/s10940-014-9236-3http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10940-014-9236-3.
Jay Stanley, “Police Body-Mounted Cameras: With Right Policies in Place, a Win For All – version 2.0,” ACLU. March 2015. https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/assets/police_body-mounted_cameras-v2.pdf.
Lindsay Miller, Jessica Toliver, and Police Executive Research Forum. 2014. Implementing a Body-Worn Camera Program: Recommendations and Lessons Learned. Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services.
Michael D. White, 2014. Police Officer Body-Worn Cameras: Assessing the Evidence. Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. https://www.ojpdiagnosticcenter.org/sites/default/files/spotlight/download/Police%20Officer%20Body-Worn%20Cameras.pdf.
Prepared by Matthew Feeney
1 MPD (Mesa Police Department). 2013 On Officer Body Camera System: Program Evaluation and Recommendations (interim report). Mesa, AZ: Mesa Police Department.
2 Peter Moore, “Overwhelming support for police body cameras,” YouGov. May 7, 2015. https://today.yougov.com/news/2015/05/07/body-cams/.

Understanding the 1% Rule: Motivations

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE

Understanding the 1% Rule: Motivations

1percenterpatch_2What motivates the people who make up the content contributors found in "The 1% Rule?" Perhaps the following story offers some clues. (This is an excerpt from our forthcoming book "Citizen Marketers.")
As a patch, it’s pretty simple: A diamond shape surrounded by a blue border, with "1%" embroidered in the middle. It's worn over the heart by members of motorcycle clubs that celebrate their outlaw status from mainstream motorcycle society. They call themselves the "One Percenters."
The inspiration for the patch and its meaning can be traced to 1947, when members of the Pissed Off Bastards of Bloomington motorcycle club and the Boozefighters Motorcycle Club, showed up in Hollister, California, for that town's annual motorcycle race. As parties involving beer in summer heat sometimes do, things got out of hand.
A photographer for Life magazine happened to be attending the race and snapped a picture of a drunken biker perched atop a Harley Davidson, surrounded by broken beer bottles. The photo was published in Life with a caption that read, "Cyclist's Holiday: He and Friends Terrorize Town." A brief story accompanying the photo said 4,000 members of a motorcycle club were responsible for destructive mayhem. The photo and story provoked the American Motorcyclists Association to denounce the boozed-up bikers. It assured worried citizens that 99 percent of its members were law-abiding citizens, thereby marginalizing the remaining "1 percent" as outlaws.
The story has been the inspiration and founding principle for outlaw motorcycle clubs around the world. One Percenters organize and wear their patches as the proverbial finger raised toward society’s expectations of them. For decades, the story of what happened in Hollister has been repeated by numerous writers in magazines and newspapers, codifying its legend.
William L. Dulaney, a visiting professor at Western Carolina University spent months researching the history of the One Percenters for the academic periodical, "The International Journal of Motorcycle Studies." From months spent conducting field research around the United States, and having spent years as a member of an outlaw motorcycle club himself, he argues that contemporary One Percenters in "outlaw" motorcycle gangs are not necessarily pro-criminal, they are anti-bureaucracy. They rebel against the commonality of mainstream expectations.
Furthermore, the One Percenter clubs are organized around the idea of a community, and their unconventional lives and motorcycle lifestyles are reinforced by the strong-as-steel bonds with other members. They revel, sometimes raucously in beer-soaked pandemonium, in a culture that conventional society frowns on. Forget seeking the approval of conventional governing bodies; the One Percenters revel in their minority status.
They are outlaws of culture.
Dulaney surprises us, though, by debunking parts of the Hollister legend. The photo of the drunken biker? The Life photographer staged it. There was rowdiness in Hollister on that fateful weekend, but police made only one arrest. And there’s no evidence the American Motorcyclists Association denounced the bikers, one percent or otherwise. The source of "1%" was likely due a letter to the editor that Life ran in a subsequent edition, taking the magazine to task for its coverage of Hollister. The letter writer wrote, "We regretfully acknowledge there was disorder in Hollister – not the acts of 4,000 motorcyclists, but rather of a small percentage of that number." Someone, somewhere, interpreted that to mean one percent and it stuck.
Even if the facts about Hollister were off, its premise still resonated with a slice of American culture. Today, earning a One Percenter patch is a badge of social status that continues on in a tiny number of American motorcyclist communities.
That's why their story seems to be an apt analogy to describe a good deal of citizen marketers and their motivations, like someone who spends years blogging about Netflix, or campaigns to bring back a discontinued soda, or takes over the marketing for an upcoming movie, or volunteers to secret shop their favorite fast food chain, or anyone who contributes time and attention to a commercial cause. They, too, are outlaws of culture.
What they do is beyond the norm. Sometimes there is little recognition, but they are dedicated to and protective of their work and the community they're involved in. They excel on the edges of culture even if their percentage as content creators is little more than a rounding error to some companies. Numbers-wise, they are not huge, but the impact of their work can be.
(In a follow-up post, we'll look at the One Percenters and Netscape's desire to hire them.)
Update: This post showed up on the front page of Digg yesterday (thanks Bloodjunkie), and it sparked a -- let's say interesting -- round of 100+ comments within the Digg community. Ian Delaney sorts through some of them.
Update 2: A big hat tip to Colin McKay for the pointer to a story about the One Percenters who are going through a transition in Kansas City. It was his pointer that led us down the path toward this post. I'm a dope for not including a hat tip to him when this was first published.


List Of Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Patches

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE

list of outlaw motorcycle clubs patches
This is an alphabetical list of notable outlaw motorcycle clubs, including those current, defunct, or historic. An outlaw motorcycle club is a motorcycle subculture The following is an alphabetical list of notable outlaw motorcycle clubs, including current, defunct, or historic. Clubs on this list do not necessarily meet Top 10 Notorious American Biker Gangs^Top 10 Notorious American Biker Gangs^When was the international president of The Outlaws Motorcycle Club and The following is an alphabetical list of notable outlaw motorcycle clubs, including current, defunct, or historic. Clubs on this list do not necessarily meet List of outlaw motorcycle club patches This patch is associated with any bikers who consider themselves part of the “outlaw” biker community.Membership. Motorcycle clubs vary a great deal in their objectives and organizations. Mainstream motorcycle clubs or associations typically have elected Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs (OMGs) are organizations whose members use their motorcycle clubs as conduits for criminal enterprises. There are more than 300 active OMGs in Outlaw motorcycle club patches are patches and pins worn by outlaw motorcycle club members to express attitudes, display rank, show affiliation, commemorate events The Outlaws Motorcycle Club has 700 members in 86 chapters and is centered in the upper Midwest, where they compete with Hells Angels for members.Outlaw or “one-percent” motorcycle gangs have been a scourge to the federal government since the 1960s. To this day, there are formidable motorcycle clubs

Images Of List Of Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Patches


The Loophole That Lets Cops Stop, Question and Search You for No Good Reason

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
BySimon Davis-Cohen
Cops are using roadside traffic stops to throw the Fourth Amendment out the window.
Checkpoints occupy a unique position in the American justice system. At these roadside stations, where police question drivers in search of the inebriated or “illegal," anyone can be stopped and questioned, regardless of probable cause, violating the Fourth Amendment’s protection against “general warrants” that do not specify the who/what/where/why of a search or seizure. Though the Supreme Court agrees that checkpoints skirt the Fourth Amendment, the Court has been clear that the “special needs” checkpoints serve, like traffic safety and immigration enforcement, trump the “slight” intrusions on motorists’ rights.
We have checkpoints for bicycle safety, gathering witnesses, drug trafficking, “illegal” immigration and traffic safety. Many states, like California, require cops to abide by “neutral” mathematical formulas when choosing which drivers to pull over (like 1 in every 10 cars). In reality, these decisions are left to the discretion of individual police officers, which results in a type of vehicular stop and frisk.
That’s why people in Arizona have sued the Department of Homeland Security for its wanton deployment of immigration checkpoints in their state. Among their complaints are racial profiling, harassment, assault and unwarranted interrogation, and detention not related to the express “special need” of determining peoples’ immigration status.
A key legal detail about checkpoints is that they cannot be used for crime control, as that would require individualized probable cause. But legal scholars argue that non-criminally-minded checkpoints are also illegal. They point out that the Fourth Amendment protected the colonists from being searched for non-criminal “wrongdoing.” Doing nothing wrong at all, they argue, is not grounds to be searched or have your property seized. 
Regardless, unlike DUI checkpoints, these immigration checkpoints, expanded by the 2006 Secure Fence Act, are only allowed within 100 miles of the continental United States’ border. But that’s a big perimeter. Nine of the country’s 10 largest cities, entire states and some two thirds of the US population reside within this constitutionally exempt zone.
At these checkpoints—some of which have become permanent fixtures on the highway—people are forced to stop when flagged down, again regardless of probable cause. But the extent to which people are legally obliged to answer officers’ questions is unclear and seemingly arbitrary. Not surprisingly, the military's immigration checkpoints have garnered outspoken criticism from across the political spectrum. Legalized by the Supreme Court in 1976, these checkpoints seem to have taken on a new momentum in the post-9/11 era. (Private militias have even taken to setting up their own versions.)
DUI checkpoints, on the other hand,  deemed constitutional in 1990, monitor roadways in 38 states. But they have been outlawed by 12 others that have invoked states’ rights to increase federal civil liberty protections. In the Court’s 1990 opinion, Chief Justice William Rehnquist wrote that states’ interest in eradicating drunk driving is undisputable and that this “interest” outweighed “the measure of the intrusion on motorists stopped briefly at sobriety checkpoints,” which he described as “slight.”
In the dissent, William Brennan reminded the Court that, “some level of individualized suspicion is a core component of the protection the Fourth Amendment provides against arbitrary government action.” In pulling people over at random, checkpoints remove this individualized component.

Today, the practice seems to be experiencing a renaissance of sorts. With the help of local police, private government contractors have used the tactic to collect anonymous breath, saliva and blood ( DNA) samples of American motorists for the federally funded National Roadside Survey of Alcohol and Drugged Driving. Participation in the survey is voluntary, despite the confusion that may come with uniformed police asking for bodily fluids. Motorists are offered $10 for cheek swabs and $50 for blood samples. These practices have sparked considerable public outrage; law enforcement officials in St. Louis, Missouri and Fort Worth, Texas have stated their intent to limit their future participation in the study.

USA - Rules for Resisting the Police State

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE

Knowing your rights is only part of the battle, unfortunately. The hard part comes in when you have to exercise those rights in order to hold government officials accountable to respecting those rights.

Should We Just Follow Orders? Rules of Engagement for Resisting the Police State
“Let your motto be resistance! resistance! Resistance! No oppressed people have ever secured their liberty without resistance.”—Abolitionist Henry Highland Garnet
By John W. Whitehead

The perils of resisting the police state grow more costly with each passing day, especially if you hope to escape with your life and property intact. The thing you must remember is that we’ve entered an age of militarized police in which we’re no longer viewed as civilians but as enemy combatants.
Take, for example, Mary Elizabeth VandenBerg who was charged with disturbing the peace, a crime punishable by up to 93 days in jail and a $500 fine, for daring to vocalize her frustrations over a traffic ticket by reading a prepared statement to the court clerk and paying her $145 traffic ticket with 145 one-dollar bills. VandenBerg was also handcuffed, tasered and pepper sprayed for “passively” resisting police by repeatedly stopping and talking to them and stiffening her arms. The incident, filmed by VandenBerg’s brother, is now the subject of a lawsuit.
Zachary Noel was tasered by police and charged with resisting arrest after he questioned why he was being ordered out of his truck during a traffic stop. “Because I’m telling you to,” the officer replied before repeating his order for Noel to get out of the vehicle and then, without warning, shooting him with a taser through the open window. The encounter, recorded with a cell phone by Noel’s friend in the passenger seat, offers a particularly chilling affirmation of how little recourse Americans really have when it comes to obeying an order from a government official or police officer, even if it’s just to ask a question or assert one’s rights.
Eighteen-year-old Keivon Young was shot seven times by police from behind while urinating outdoors. Young was just zipping up his pants when he heard a commotion behind him and then found himself struck by a hail of bullets from two undercover cops. Despite the fact that the officers mistook Young—5’4,” 135 lbs., and guilty of nothing more than taking a leak outdoors—for a 6’ tall, 200 lb. murder suspect whom they later apprehended, the young man was charged with felony resisting arrest and two counts of assaulting a peace officer.
What these incidents make clear is that anything short of compliance will now get you charged with any of the growing number of contempt charges (ranging from resisting arrest and interference to disorderly conduct, obstruction, and failure to obey a police order) that get trotted out anytime a citizen voices discontent with the government or challenges or even questions the authority of the powers that be—and that’s the best case scenario. The worst case scenario involves getting probed, poked, pinched, tasered, tackled, searched, seized, stripped, manhandled, arrested, shot, or killed.
So what can you really do when you find yourself at the mercy of law enforcement officers who have almost absolute discretion to decide who is a threat, what constitutes resistance, and how harshly they can deal with the citizens they were appointed to “serve and protect”? In other words, what are the rules of engagement when it comes to interacting with the police?
If you want to play it safe, comply and do whatever a police officer tells you to do. Don’t talk back. Don’t threaten. And don’t walk away. In other words, don’t do anything that even hints at resistance.
Keep in mind, however, that this is not a fail-safe plan, especially not in an age where police officers tend to shoot first and ask questions later, oftentimes based only on their highly subjective “feeling” of being threatened, and are reprimanded with little more than a slap on the wrist. Indeed, the news is riddled with reports of individuals who didn’t resist when confronted by police and still got tasered, tackled or shot simply because they looked at police in a threatening manner or moved in a way that made an officer fear for his safety.
For example, Levar Edward Jones was shot by a South Carolina police officer during a routine traffic stop over a seatbelt violation as he was in the process of reaching for his license and registration. The trooper justified his shooting of the unarmed man by insisting that Jones reached for his license “aggressively.”
If compliance isn’t quite your cup of tea—and we’d be far better off as a nation if we were far less compliant—then you’ve got a few more options ranging from legal-but-sure-to-annoy-an-officer to legal-but-it-could-get-you-arrested to legal-but-it-could-get-you-shot.
If this is war—and a good case could be made for the fact that the government is indeed waging a war on the American citizenry—then the tactics I’m about to outline could be considered nonviolent guerilla warfare, using whatever strategic, legal, creative and nonviolent means are available in order to outmaneuver an opponent—in our case, the American police force—whose language is the language of force.
To begin with, and most importantly, Americans need to know their rights when it comes to interactions with the police, bearing in mind that many law enforcement officials are largely ignorant of the law themselves. In a nutshell, here are your basic rights when it comes to interactions with the police as outlined in the first ten amendments to the U.S. Constitution:
You have the right under the First Amendment to ask questions and express yourself. You have the right under the Fourth Amendment to not have your person or your property searched by police or any government agent unless they have a search warrant authorizing them to do so.  You have the right under the Fifth Amendment to remain silent and not incriminate yourself.
You have the right under the Sixth Amendment to request an attorney. Depending on which state you live in and whether your encounter with police is consensual as opposed to your being temporarily detained or arrested, you may have the right to refuse to identify yourself. Presently, 26 states do not require citizens to show their ID to an officer (drivers in all states must do so, however).
Knowing your rights is only part of the battle, unfortunately. The hard part comes in when you have to exercise those rights in order to hold government officials accountable to respecting those rights.
As a rule of thumb, you should always be sure to clarify in any police encounter whether or not you are being detained, i.e., whether you have the right to walk away. That holds true whether it’s a casual “show your ID” request on a boardwalk, a stop-and-frisk search on a city street, or a traffic stop for speeding or just to check your insurance.
As I point out in my book A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State, if you feel like you can’t walk away from a police encounter of your own volition—and more often than not you can’t, especially when you’re being confronted by someone armed to the hilt with all manner of militarized weaponry and gear—then for all intents and purposes, you’re essentially under arrest from the moment a cop stops you.
Still, it doesn’t hurt to clarify that distinction, as Kahler Nygard learned. Nygard was threatened with arrest for failing to comply with an order by TSA agents to undergo additional screening after flying with no incident from Minneapolis to his final destination in Denver. It turns out that Nygard, at one time a vocal critic of the government, had been placed on a special list requiring him to undergo extra airport screening. When airport officials realized that they had failed to carry out the additional screening prior to Nygard’s departure, they attempted to cover their mistake by screening him once he landed. To the annoyance of the government agent, Nygard—who filmed the entire encounter—repeatedly asked the agent whether he was being detained or not. Once he deduced that the TSA had no legal rationale for detaining him, Nygard walked away without incident. The encounter might have ended far differently had a police officer been standing nearby, however.
Another important takeaway from Nygard’s experience is to record your encounter with police. While technology is always going to be a double-edged sword, with the gadgets that are the most useful to us in our daily lives—GPS devices, cell phones, the internet—being the very tools used by the government to track us, monitor our activities, and generally spy on us, cell phones are particularly useful for recording encounters with the police and have proven to be increasingly powerful reminders to police that they are not all powerful.
No matter what individual police officers might say to the contrary, members of the public have a First Amendment right to record police interactions, as the Justice Department recognized in a 2012 memorandum acknowledging that “recording governmental officers engaged in public duties is a form of speech through which private individuals may gather and disseminate information of public concern, including the conduct of law enforcement officers.”
That said, there may still be consequences for filming the police, as Fred Marlow learned the hard way. Marlow was charged with interfering and resisting arrest, and fined $5,000 for daring to film a SWAT team raid that took place across the street from his apartment. Marlow was asleep when he heard what sounded like “multiple bombs blasting and glass breaking.” Rushing outside to investigate, Marlow filmed police officers dressed in army green camouflage standing beside an armored vehicle, in the process of carrying out a SWAT team raid to serve a search warrant (more than 80,000 such raids take place every year in the U.S. for such routine police procedures as serving search warrants). Ordered to return inside or face arrest for interference, Marlow explained that he was on his own property and could be outside. He was subsequently arrested.
One popular alternative to citizens filming police encounters is having the police wear body cameras, which have been proven to decrease the number of use-of-force incidents and citizen complaints when used properly. Unfortunately, given that they can be turned off as easily as they are turned on, these devices are also ripe for abuse, not to mention the fact that they are privacy-threatening, roving extensions of the surveillance state whose cameras are conveniently pointed at us, not them.
Clearly, the language of freedom is no longer the common tongue spoken by the citizenry and their government. With the government having shifted into a language of force, “we the people” have been reduced to suspects in a surveillance state, criminals in a police state, and enemy combatants in a military empire.
In such an environment, as every resistor from Martin Luther King Jr. and on down the line has learned, there is always a price to be paid for challenging the status quo. Then again, the price for not challenging the status quo is even worse: outright tyranny, the loss of our freedoms, and a totalitarian regime the likes of which the world has never seen before.
Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead [send him mail] is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute. He is the author of A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State and The Change Manifesto (Sourcebooks).

Read more at http://thefreethoughtproject.com/rules-resisting-police-state/#Bmq6atFym0xF7rFH.99

Transparency in Law Enforcement

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
Across America, many federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies closely guard information relating to both the government’s use of force and the conduct records (and sometimes even identities) of the officers empowered to wield that force. The appropriate use of the immense powers with which law enforcement agencies are entrusted depends on the public’s ability to hold those agencies accountable, and those agencies can only be held accountable when the public has sufficient access to information.
The push for transparency in law enforcement is a constant struggle involving citizens, police officers, prosecutors, defense attorneys, and judges, the end result of which is a complex patchwork of different policies. There are several ways in which police transparency (or its absence) is manifested in our justice system.
Access to personnel misconduct files
The personnel files of police officers often contain material that is relevant both to people charged with a crime and to the public more generally, but government officials often have powerful incentives to shield that information from public view. While some jurisdictions make citizen complaints of police misconduct open to the public, others bar the disclosure of personnel files — even to prosecutors who have a constitutional obligation to know the information in them.
Police departments espouse concerns about the potential for harassment of their officers if certain sensitive details (medical records, home addresses) were to be released, and police unions often demand privacy protections in collective bargaining agreements. There have even been efforts to criminalize the disclosure of such information. But the personal interests of law enforcement officers must be weighed against the immense interest of the citizenry to have access to information about the men and women policing their communities.
This lack of transparency manifests itself in the ability of police officers with histories of abuse to continue being employed as police officers when their misconduct files fail to follow them into new jurisdictions, or when the public is unable to discover such a track record among the officers exercising power over them. Even in jurisdictions where such information is publicly available, police departments sometimes fail to review it. For instance, the police officer who shot and killed 12-year old Tamir Rice in Cleveland, OH in November of 2012 had previously been deemed “unfit for duty,” immature, and unable to properly handle a weapon by a nearby police department. He was in the process of being fired by that department when he resigned and ended up in the Cleveland Police Department. Cleveland Police failed to access his publicly available personnel file when conducting a background check for his employment, a policy that was changed after Rice’s death.
Whether you’re a criminal defendant whose constitutional rights entitle you to exculpatory evidence, a victim of police brutality who is entitled to know whether your tragedy represents a pattern of misbehavior, or just a member of the public who has an interest in assessing the performance of your police department and the elected officials setting policies, the need for a more transparent catalogue of police misconduct is paramount.
Access to records of settlements and judgments in cases of police misconduct
Many jurisdictions restrict the publication of settlement details in lawsuits over police misconduct. Police misconduct settlements and judgments cost taxpayers millions of dollars every year. But it can be difficult for the public to gain an accurate idea of just how much misconduct is costing them. In some places, simply identifying officers whose conduct is especially costly is denied to the public.
Citizens have a right to know how often their police forces are violating the rights of individuals as well as how much they’re being forced to pay in legal settlements. Some governments, such as that of the city of Baltimore, host public databases of police lawsuits or are in the process of creating them. Other jurisdictions, such as Chicago, make it very difficult to obtain information.
Gag orders imposed on citizens who settle complaints with the police
Even if one is able to sue the government for some abuse suffered at the hands of police, some jurisdictions include language in their settlement agreements that forbids the victim from speaking publicly about the incident. These so-called “non-disparagement” agreements carry steep financial penalties for anyone who speaks publicly or to the media about their complaint.
Again, owing to the complex nature of the police power in a federal system, the use of these agreements differs by jurisdiction. For instance, the city of Baltimore routinely includes non-disparagement clauses in its settlement agreements while Washington D.C. places no restrictions on post-settlement speech.
Jurisdictions that employ these gag orders argue that they serve an important purpose of preventing citizens with vendettas against the police from spreading false information to the public, but the fact that major departments function without such arrangements raises an obvious question as to their necessity. Public criticism of the government is a fundamental American right, and victims of police brutality should not be pressured to bargain it away in exchange for being made whole by the government that wronged them.
Stonewalling freedom of information requests regarding police use of force
Many law enforcement agencies are overly conservative with respect to reporting police use of force. While federal and state governments keep detailed statistics for a wide variety of violent crimes, there is no mandatory reporting of either police use of force incidents or even police killings.
During one media investigation by the Richmond Times-Dispatch, concluding that police killings in Virginia are woefully underreported by law enforcement, the Fairfax Police Department went so far as to declare that officer-involved killings were “not an actual offense” worthy of reporting to the state. The failure to report police killings is an epidemic across the country, resulting in our collective cluelessness as to how many Americans are killed every year by the police and under what circumstances. Some states, such as Texas, have begun requiring local law enforcement agencies to report police shootings, but a lot of work remains to be done at the state level.
The government exercises no greater power than the power to kill a citizen, especially in circumstances under which “due process” is left to the determination of the officer in the heat of the moment. There is no justification for the public to be kept in the dark about how often this immense power is wielded by the police.
Conclusion
  • Americans have a paramount interest in transparency and accountability in law enforcement that should be reflected in policy.
  • Police misconduct files should be publicly accessible, as should records of lawsuit settlements reached by governments with victims of police misconduct.
  • State and local governments should compel their law enforcement agencies to compile and make publicly available police use-of-force incidents and police-involved deaths.
Suggested readings:
Jonathan Abel, “Brady’s Blind Spot: Impeachment Evidence in Police Personnel Files and the Battle Splitting the Prosecution Team,” Stanford Law Review 67 (2015): 743.
Erik Luna, “Transparent Policing,” Iowa Law Review 85 (2000): 1107.
Kami Chavis Simmons, “New Governance and the ‘New Paradigm’ of Police Accountability: A Democratic Approach to Police Reform,” Catholic University Law Review 59 (2010): 373.
Andrew E. Taslitz. “Slaves No More! The Implications of the Informed Citizen Ideal for Discovery before Fourth Amendment Hearings.” Georgia State University Law Review 15 (1999): 709.

Prepared by Adam Bates

Let’s See Some ID…And Can I Search Your Vehicle?

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?
By Tony Pan Sanfelipo
There’s been a lot of discussion lately about motorcycle only checkpoints, DUI checkpoints, intimidation by the TSA and questionable border security checkpoints that are nowhere near a border.

Americans citizens are protected from unreasonable search and seizure under the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution. But there has been a continued encroachment and reinterpretation of Fourth Amendment protections, especially at checkpoints and during traffic stops. So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?

In 1968, there was a case heard by the U.S. Supreme Court (Terry v. Ohio) that said police officers deal with dangerous situations on the street, therefore they should be allowed to stop a person and conduct a field investigation, without an arrest or seizure of that person. Before such a stop can be made, the person must be exhibiting some reasonable suspicion that he has committed or is about to commit a crime.

If that suspicion includes the person might be armed and dangerous, the police can also conduct a “pat down” of the person.


If during the field investigation the officer believes there is probable cause that the person is guilty of something, then an arrest can be made and the person can be searched beyond just a pat down.  Technically, a stop is a seizure of a person. This can be accomplished by physical means where an officer physically handles a person, or it may be by a show of authority, whereby the officer’s tone in his commands makes a person believe he is seized and must comply.

Acting nervous or suspicious, attempting to run from the police, matching the description of a suspect or just being in the vicinity of a crime can justify police in stopping or detaining you. These criteria for a justified stop can also justify a frisk or pat down of a person. A frisk is usually done to satisfy an officer’s concern for safety. A frisk does not include going into pockets or reaching into clothing. But, if a weapon or other questionable article is felt during a pat down, the officer can then reach into a pocket or clothing to retrieve the item. This is known as the “plain feel” doctrine, but the item in question must be obviously similar in feel to some type of contraband or weapon.


CHECKPOINTS

Checkpoints usually come under the heading of DUI, US Border, Motorcycle Only and TSA checkpoints.

DUI Checkpoints are a form of roadblock where a number of vehicles are filtered into an investigation zone. The stops are supposed to be brief and while checking for license and registration, the officers are also checking for signs of intoxication. They are not allowed to search your vehicle unless there is probable cause you are intoxicated, or if you foolishly allow them to if you are asked. If detained, you have no legal obligation to answer questions or admit to breaking any laws. The Fifth Amendment is a protection against self-incrimination. Use it. During DUI checkpoint activities, law enforcement cannot select which vehicles to pull over but rather must channel all vehicles in a string into the investigation zone.

There have been instances where law enforcement has placed signs on the roadway advising that a drug checkpoint is ahead.  Random checkpoints for drugs are unconstitutional and are not supposed to be used. The signs may be a decoy and vehicles making an abrupt U-turn or suddenly pulling off the road will be regarded as suspicious, raising the bar to reasonable suspicion to stop that vehicle.


Motorcycle Only Checkpoints have been used in several states, utilizing federal grant money to finance those operations.

Outside of commercial vehicles, which can be legally stopped to check loads, weights, log books, etc., motorcycles are the only vehicles that have been singled out for a checkpoint. This practice has been met with a deluge of complaints from the motorcycle community and rights organizations and two federal bills, HR 1861 and S2078 would prevent the federal DOT from issuing grants for motorcycle only checkpoints. It’s expected that these bills will be rolled into the new highway spending bills in congress.


US Border Checkpoints come under the jurisdiction of the Department of Homeland Security, and agents can search you and your vehicle any time you cross a U.S. border without needing probable cause or a search warrant. If it’s suspected that you have contraband on your person, border agents can search you using a pat down, strip search, body cavity or involuntary x-ray search.  Recently, a question arose about searching electronic devices by border agents. Unlike most police agencies, border agents do not need a warrant to search electronic devices but they must have reasonable suspicion that there is something of an illegal nature or evidence of a crime on the devices, according to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.

A bigger problem with border checkpoints is the expanding geographical area agents are allowed to conduct stops in. Some of these checkpoint stops have been as far as 100 miles away from any border. You are not legally obligated to answer any questions, like if you’re an American citizen, and you do not have to consent to any searches of your person or vehicle. Again, acting in a calm manner and invoking your right to be left alone is the best way to avoid an agent claiming reasonable suspicion that you did or are about to do something illegal.

Refusing to answer questions is not a basis for reasonable suspicion, even if the agent tells you it is. You should say out loud that you want to leave and ask if you are under arrest. Remaining silent and ignoring an officer’s questions is not the same as refusing to consent to a search and demanding to leave.


TSA Checkpoints account for numerous complaints every day. These agents can legally search you and your belongings any time you pass through a security point. They do not need probable cause or a warrant to conduct these searches.

If you thought the TSA was only at airports, think again. Ever hear of VIPR?  That’s the acronym for Visible Intermodal Prevention and Response squads. These heavily armed agents can be found at train stations, sporting events, festivals, weigh stations and more. VIPR was established in 2005, and although the goal is to prevent terrorist attacks at various venues that offer a tempting target, the rights of citizens are being trampled and the possibility of profiling individuals in crowds is real.

What does a terrorist look like?  There’s a perception, but that could be a far cry from what the actual terrorist might look like. The reviews on VIPR are mixed and the teams are undergoing new training to address some of the concerns.


The bottom line is, since September 11, 2001, America is not the same place Norman Rockwell depicted in his magazine cover art. The balance between safety and rights is continuously being weighed in the streets and in the courts.

For further insight about your rights during vehicle stops and at checkpoints, visit www.flexyourrights.org or search Flex Your Rights on YouTube for videos dealing with these subjects.

Opinions in this article are those of the author and should not be construed as legal advice.

If you thought the TSA was only at airports, think again. Ever hear of VIPR?  That’s the acronym for Visible Intermodal Prevention and Response squads. These heavily armed agents can be found at train stations, sporting events, festivals, weigh stations and more. VIPR was established in 2005, and although the goal is to prevent terrorist attacks at various venues that offer a tempting target, the rights of citizens are being trampled and the possibility of profiling individuals in crowds is real.

What does a terrorist look like?  There’s a perception, but that could be a far cry from what the actual terrorist might look like. The reviews on VIPR are mixed and the teams are undergoing new training to address some of the concerns.

The bottom line is, since September 11, 2001, America is not the same place Norman Rockwell depicted in his magazine cover art. The balance between safety and rights is continuously being weighed in the streets and in the courts.

For further insight about your rights during vehicle stops and at checkpoints, visit www.flexyourrights.org or search Flex Your Rights on YouTube for videos dealing with these subjects.

Opinions in this article are those of the author and should not be construed as legal advice.
- See more at: http://www.bikernet.com/pages/Lets_See_Some_IDAnd_Can_I_Search_Your_Vehicle.aspx#sthash.D0gmacyp.dpuf

So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?

By Tony Pan Sanfelipo - See more at: http://www.bikernet.com/pages/Lets_See_Some_IDAnd_Can_I_Search_Your_Vehicle.aspx#sthash.D0gmacyp.dpuf

So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?

By Tony Pan Sanfelipo, with some photos from the Bob T. Collection.

So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?

By Tony Pan Sanfelipo - See more at: http://www.bikernet.com/pages/Lets_See_Some_IDAnd_Can_I_Search_Your_Vehicle.aspx#sthash.D0gmacyp.dpuf

So exactly what are your rights and how can you invoke them?

By Tony Pan Sanfelipo, with some photos from the Bob T. Collection.
- See more at: http://www.bikernet.com/pages/Lets_See_Some_IDAnd_Can_I_Search_Your_Vehicle.aspx#sthash.D0gmacyp.dpuf

High Speed Pursuits

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
Introduction
High speed police pursuits constitute one of the most dangerous aspects of police work. Police shootings garner more attention, but many people are killed or severely injured as a result of fleeing suspects and pursuing police officers. Hollywood movies typically depict police officers in “hot pursuit” of a dangerous criminal, but virtually never depict wholly innocent people, such as child passengers in the suspect’s vehicle, or pedestrian bystanders, being killed in crashes and yet they are among the casualties of high speed chases. Pursuit policies vary among police departments and in different geographical jurisdictions depending upon whether a city, county, or state legislature has chosen to address police pursuits. This primer will provide an overview of this controversial subject and will recommend that police commanders and policymakers impose restrictions on police pursuits in order to enhance public safety.
The Controversy
When a police officer activates his vehicle’s siren and emergency lights, drivers are legally obligated to yield to that show of authority and to pull their vehicles over to the side of the road to await further instructions from the officer. It is illegal for a driver to disregard the siren or emergency lights—especially in an attempt to elude the police. In the vast majority of cases, drivers comply with the law and pull over to the side of the road. However, there are thousands and thousands of cases every year where drivers break the law and try to speed away and elude the police. When those situations arise, the police face a dilemma. On the one hand, they are expected to apprehend lawbreakers and keep the community safe. If they don’t pursue the violator, he might never be caught and he might also harm others as he accelerates in his bid to get away. On the other hand, the pursuit itself creates a danger by having another vehicle, the police cruiser, attempting to match the now reckless speed of the suspect vehicle.
When people get killed or injured in crashes from police pursuits, a heated debate typically ensues over the cause of the accident. Was it the suspect’s failure to pull over, or was it the police officer’s decision to pursue the suspect at high speeds? Here are a few chases that ended with tragic results:
  • In June 2016, Officer Stacey Baumgartner was in pursuit of a man who had allegedly urinated in public, and then drove away. As Baumgartner’s cruiser sped into an intersection, she was hit by an SUV carrying a family of seven. Both Baumgartner and an 11-year-old boy in the SUV died in the crash.
  • In May 2013, police received a call about several women who had stolen some merchandise from Macy’s and departed in a waiting car. Several police cars chased the women’s vehicle at speeds exceeding 100 mph. The women eventually sped down a freeway exit ramp, ran a red light, and then crashed into Rosabla Quezada, who was driving her three sons home from school. Quezada was killed and her 5-year-old son, Jose, was left with brain damage.
  • In June 2013, high school senior Patrick Conway was out riding his Honda motorcycle. A state trooper pulled him over because he did not have a license plate. As the trooper stepped out of his cruiser, Conway sped off. A few minutes later, after weaving through traffic at high speeds, Conway collided with a BMW and was killed.
  • In July 2012, a convenience store manager called the police at 4 a.m. to report that some teenage girls had just shoplifted some merchandise and had driven away. When a police officer spotted the suspect vehicle, he gave chase. A few minutes later, the carload of young girls crashed into a utility pole. One of the passengers, 12-year-old Casey Grace, was sent to Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, where she was listed in critical condition.
  • In September 2012, Officer Mark Taulbee heard a radio dispatch at 2:30 a.m. that a man had taken a woman’s car after a domestic disturbance. When Taulbee saw the Nissan Altima, he started to pursue it. Shortly thereafter, Taulbee was killed after he lost control of his car and it flipped over into a ditch on the side of the roadway.
It is true that the suspect-driver is always partially responsible (and sometimes fully responsible) for any property damage or crash casualties because, as Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia once observed, it takes at least two drivers to have a chase.
And yet it is not uncommon to find police officials trying to shift all responsibility for any harmful consequences on to the suspect-driver with the argument that had the suspect simply pulled over, as he is legally obligated to do, there would not have been any crash casualties. That sweeping claim is misleading and self-serving. If an elderly lady obstinately refuses a police command to step out of her parked vehicle, the officer would not be justified in hitting her over the head with a baton. Similarly, if a shoplifter keeps running after an officer shouts “Halt!” the officer would not be justified in shooting him in the back. Disobedience to governmental authority cannot excuse brutality. By the same reasoning, police pursuits can and should be evaluated separately from the suspect’s wrongful actions.
Best Practices
Federal appellate Judge Frank Easterbrook has suggested a cost-benefit analysis of high-speed chases. According to Easterbrook, such an analysis would “consider not only the risks to passengers, pedestrians, and other drivers that high-speed chases engender, but also the fact that if police are forbidden to pursue, then many more suspects will flee—and successful flights not only reduce the number of crimes solved but also create their own risks for passengers and bystanders.” A rigorous academic analysis is beyond the scope of this primer, but it will be useful to briefly address several preconceptions that would be pertinent to such an analysis, and also to consider the experience of certain jurisdictions that have embraced pursuit restrictions.
The first preconception is that if high-speed pursuits are restricted, “everyone will just go ahead and flee the police.” This is an exaggeration. As noted above, in the vast majority of cases, drivers yield to the police siren and quickly pull over. To do otherwise is to commit a new offense, something the vast majority of people will refrain from doing. Limiting pursuits may bring about some increase in flight cases, but that would likely be on the margin and has to be weighed against the crashes and injuries averted because of the pursuit restrictions.
A second preconception is that high speed pursuits typically involve dangerous criminals. The thinking here is that restricting pursuits cannot possibly make the community safer because with more violent offenders avoiding arrest, they will be free to create more mayhem in the community. This preconception is perhaps understandable because it is a very common scenario in the movies and on television for the police to be chasing a dangerous villain at high speeds. Yet, experience shows that most pursuits are triggered by minor infractions. According to USA Today, 90 percent of the police chases in California between 2002 and 2014 were for vehicle code violations, not violent crimes.
A third preconception is the idea that restrictions on police pursuits are tantamount to complete non-enforcement of law. On this view, restrictions on police pursuits will make the community less safe because the scofflaws will be emboldened to commit even more infractions—even if they’re not violent offenses. It is a mistake, however, to make the leap from certain pursuit restrictions to non-enforcement. To take one example, some police departments will have police cruisers back off a chase on the ground but have a helicopter track the suspect vehicle from above. When the suspect exits the vehicle, patrol officers are alerted and they will then move in to make an arrest.
As noted above, pursuit policies vary among America’s 18,000 police departments. In general, policies and practices have tightened somewhat over the past 20 years. Whether because of increased media scrutiny, litigation fears, local politics, or conscientiousness, more and more departments are embracing pursuit restrictions. Here are several best practices:
  • Some departments restrict the types of crimes that can trigger a chase. For example, allowing police to chase a suspect who committed a violent felony, but not allowing pursuits for traffic violations.
  • Some restrictive policies focus on road conditions, including weather and traffic.
  • Some departments prohibit certain tactics used by officers during a pursuit in order to minimize the risk of an accident, such as ramming techniques.
  • Most importantly, many jurisdictions require officers to get supervisor permission in order to initiate a pursuit. The purpose of this requirement is to take the decision out of the hands of the officer in the field, who is likely experiencing an adrenaline rush and tunnel vision.
To identify best practices is not to say that they are common. It is unfortunate that many police departments either continue to leave the pursuit decision to the discretion of officers in the field, or do not seriously discipline officers who disregard departmental policy. Policy changes are too often ad hoc, after a tragedy, rather than after thoughtful consideration of the latest research.
There is empirical evidence, for example, showing that suspects are likely to slow down to a safe driving speed if pursuits are called off. University of South Carolina Professor Geoffrey Alpert interviewed suspects after they were apprehended and found that 70 percent of suspects said they would have stopped their flight when they “felt safe.” They classified “safe” as being 2 miles or 2 city blocks ahead of police.
In 2010, the Milwaukee Police Department put in a place a more restrictive policy after pursuits caused the deaths of four innocent people in a short period of time. After the first tragedy, Police Chief Ed Flynn defended his department by telling everyone that the chase officers “followed department policy.” After the second tragedy, Chief Flynn came to recognize that another policy would make his community safer. Chief Flynn acknowledged that his immediate duty is “to protect life: the lives of the innocent, the lives of police officers and the lives of offenders.”
In 2006, the Dallas Police Department (DPD) put in place one of the most restrictive pursuit policies in the country. In 2011, while slightly altering the pursuit guidelines, the Dallas Chief of Police David Brown noted, “injuries and deaths to both officers and citizens have plummeted since the institution of the current policy. This must continue to be our focus when deciding to engage in high-risk activities such as police pursuits.” DPD restricts pursuits to situations where the suspect “poses a danger to the public that outweighs the risks posed by the pursuit” – e.g. violent felonies.
One important way to avoid tragedies is to find alternatives to high speed chases. “Bait vehicle” technologies have provided law enforcement with a powerful tool to catch car thieves in a safe and effective manner. With the ability to shut down the engine of the bait car remotely, there is no need for a high-speed pursuit. Another alternative tactic, as mentioned above, is helicopters. While helicopters are expensive and not all police departments can afford them, it would be worthwhile to improve regional and interagency cooperation in order to avoid, or at least reduce, high-speed pursuits. Drones will doubtless be tested for pursuit surveillance as a less expensive substitute for helicopters over the next ten years.
A serious obstacle that has hobbled a thorough cost-benefit analysis of police pursuits has been inadequate information. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) tries to track the circumstances of all automobile fatalities. According to NHTSA, pursuits kill about 350 people every year. However, NHTSA’s tally has severe limitations. First, NHTSA only tallies deaths, not injuries. Second, even NHTSA’s fatality numbers are very likely to undercount the actual figure. This is because NHTSA relies upon police department reports on the automobile deaths. If the fleeing suspect hits a tree and dies, officers might report the fatality, but omit the circumstances of the police pursuit. USA Today discovered and reported on such discrepancies in NHTSA’s statistics.
In 2014, Texas created a public statewide database for officer-involved shootings. Every police agency must report shootings to the state attorney general. The attorney general (AG), in turn, is required to post information about the shooting within five days. Each year, the AG must issue a public report summarizing his annual findings. Unlike some questionable proposals for federal data-collection, this state-level data-gathering model is fully consistent with the constitutional principle of federalism. Every state should have such a system in place, not just for shootings, but for police chases as well, whether there are casualties or not. One of the benefits of decentralized policing is that departments can experiment with different policies, the results can then be studied, and best practices identified or refined. To make the reporting model work, however, state policymakers must find a way to sanction local departments that do not meet their reporting responsibilities.
Conclusion
  • High speed police pursuits are inherently dangerous. They too often end in crashes that kill and severely injure people, including innocent bystanders.
  • Many police pursuits are in response to non-violent offenses or even minor infractions. The risks posed by high speed pursuits in such situations are unjustified.
  • The legal standards that apply to police pursuits vary across jurisdictions, but it is possible to embrace best practices that go beyond the legal minimum standard.
  • Although there are about 100,000 police pursuits and hundreds of casualties every year, policymakers have largely neglected this dangerous aspect of police work. State-wide policies should be in place to both restrict and track police pursuits.
Suggested Readings
Geoffrey A. Alpert and Cynthia Lum, Police Pursuit Driving: Policy and Research (New York: Springer, 2014).
Kay Falk, “Chase or Not to Chase?: That’s the Question Facing Police Departments Around the Country,” Law Enforcement Technology, Volume 33, Issue 10 (October 2006).
Thomas Frank, “High-Speed Police Chases Have Killed Thousands of Innocent Bystanders,” USA Today, July 30, 2015.
Hugh Nugent, et al., “Restrictive Policies for High-Speed Police Pursuits” (Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice, Issues and Practices Series No. 122025) (1990).
Richard G. Zevitz, “Police Civil Liability and the Law of High Speed Pursuit,” Marquette Law Review 70 (1987): 237.

Prepared by Tim Lynch.

Statistics Prove Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Not A Public Threat

$
0
0

statistics-prove-motorcycle-clubs-not-threat-featured-image

OFF THE WIRE
Authorities openly target motorcycle clubs, particularly 1% clubs, selectively enforcing the law, in order to harass or investigate individuals based on the belief that they are definitionally criminals. This perspective is based on an outdated stereotype that is ignorant of statistical reality and foundational constitutional principles that have been consistently confirmed by the Supreme Court and other federal courts.

Many federal and state authorities insist that what they call “outlaw motorcycle gangs/OMG’s” are a significant organized crime threat in America, despite the statistical data that proves criminal activity involving these clubs is negligible at best. (Note: the OMG tag is universally rejected by the clubs labeled gangs by law enforcement.)

Tens of millions of dollars are spent targeting and prosecuting motorcycle clubs based on a fallacy of composition. The regurgitated actions of the few are used to create a generalized assumption about thousands of people, regardless of statistical reality. Crimes committed by individual members of motorcycle clubs are highly sensationalized and presented to be representative of the entire community.  In fact, the statistical data that does exist, including the data generated by these same agencies, proves definitively that clubs labeled OMG’s represent a myopic percentage of criminal activity in this country.  Indeed, data suggests that law enforcement agencies commit and sanction many more major crimes than motorcycle clubs.

The Numbers


To begin to paint an accurate picture it is necessary to know how many members of these clubs and convicted felons there are in the US. Statistics say that there are 44,000 members of clubs labeled OMG’s, 24,000,000 convicted felons, and 6,851,000 whom are currently under correctional supervision.

  • The FBI’s National Gang Intelligence Center estimates that there are 44,000 members of so-called OMG’s in the U.S. According to the NGIC, “OMGs are organizations whose members use their motorcycle clubs as conduits for criminal enterprises. Although some law enforcement agencies regard only One Percenters as OMGs, the NGIC, for the purpose of this assessment, covers all OMG criminal organizations, including OMG support and puppet clubs.”

  • According to the Princeton University study, GROWTH IN THE U.S. EX-FELON AND EX-PRISONER POPULATION, 1948 TO 2010, 20 million people in 2010 had a felony conviction. Accounting for growth rates, there were approximately 24 million people in 2014 with a felony conviction.

  • According to the US Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), 6,851,000 adults were under correctional supervision (probation, parole, jail, or prison) in 2014. (see BJS, “Correctional Populations In The United States, 2014”)

Statistical Reality- Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Members a very small fraction of convicted felons in the US.


Although there is no statistical data tracking the number of motorcycle club members who are convicted felons, law enforcement would have you believe that all members of clubs they have labeled OMG’s are criminals.

Despite the obvious inaccuracy of this claim,- most members of clubs labeled OMG’s have no criminal record- let us assume for the sake of argument, and to demonstrate the absurdity of law enforcement assumptions, that every member of every club that authorities label a criminal gang is a convicted felon.

Even if all 44,000 members of clubs labeled OMG’s were convicted felons, the overall impact on felony convictions would be minuscule. Do the math. 44,000 members/24,000,000 convicted felons=0.00183333 or .183333%.  The impact on those currently under correctional supervision would be similarly insignificant. 44,000 members/6,851,000 currently under supervision=0.00642242 or .64%. A fraction of 1% does not justify the stereotype of criminality. It’s that simple.  The following Pie Chart graphically demonstrates the absurdity of focusing on motorcycle clubs as a law enforcement priority.
Graph of All Convicted Felons vs. Outlaw Motorcycle Club Members

Actual Number of Convicted Felons Among Clubs Labeled OMG’s


Although the NGIC estimates the number of members, no data on how many members are actually convicted felons is available.  On August 2, 2016 the MPP conducted a short survey with a small national sampling to generate data on the issue.  The survey data is derived solely from motorcycle clubs labeled OMG’s by law enforcement.   The survey asked two questions; 1- number of members in your Chapter; and 2- number of convicted felons in your Chapter.

Survey Results:

# of Chapters included in Survey: 5 (States surveyed include Washington, Oregon, California, Texas, and Maryland.)

Average Number of members: 15
Average number of Convicted Felons per Chapter: 3 or 20%

15/3 WA
16/4 OR
14/3 TX
14/1 MD
16/4 CA

The survey results revealed that there was an average of 1 convicted felon in 5, or 20%.  Although the above example, which counts every member of targeted clubs as convicted felons, demonstrates that clubs definitionally have a minimal crime print, 20% of members is a far more realistic projection than 100%.  20% of 44,000 = 8,800 club members that are convicted felons.  8,800 represents an almost non-existent 0.036% of the 24,000,0000 total convicted felons in the US.


Why Are There Felons In Motorcycle Clubs?


Options in society for most felons are extremely limited in terms of employment and some basic civil liberties and often felons feel rejected and stigmatized by society. Motorcycle club culture was created by individuals that had been rejected by society after having returned home from war. Motorcycle clubs provide an opportunity for reintegration to those released from incarceration without the constraints of a judgmental mainstream.

The motorcycle club world is a classless society in terms of mainstream establishment social hierarchy.  It doesn’t matter whether you’re a common laborer or an executive.  When you walk into the club world, status is dictated by respect and honor and not your education or job title.  Club culture provides an alternative way of life free from the condemnations of the mainstream. Everyone has to live by the same legal schematic. But not everyone has to reinforce or acknowledge mainstream social hierarchies or elitist behavior.

Note: Some crimes are definitionally despicable and individuals that have committed these crimes are not accepted, or they are ostracized, from the club community. Crimes targeting children are an example of such an offense.

Hypocrisy Defined: LE Authorizes Informants To Commit Thousands of Major Crimes Annually


For decades, law enforcement agencies have authorized informants to commit major crimes.  Labeled “otherwise illegal activity”, these sanctioned major crimes are considered to be necessary for undercover informant work.  But, aside from the FBI, “otherwise illegal activity” has not been quantified by other state and federal agencies.

In 1997, according to the criminal defense firm O’Brien Hatfield, PA, “It came to light when reporters revealed the FBI had authorized mobster “Whitey” Bulger to continue his criminal enterprise long after he became an FBI informant in 1975. Since that revelation, the U.S. Attorney General has required the FBI to keep reports on “otherwise illegal activity” by its “confidential human sources.”

But obtaining these reports has proven difficult over the years. At least until members of the press were able to obtain some quantifiable numbers from the FBI. The Huffington Post Reported on December 27,2013:

“In a Jan. 14, 2013, letter to Justice Department officials, obtained by The Huffington Post through a Freedom of Information Act request, FBI officials disclosed that its 56 field offices authorized informants to break the law at least 5,939 times during the 2012 calendar year. USA Today reported earlier this year that the bureau allowed its informants to break the law 5,658 times in 2011.”

O’Brien Hatfield explains that the reports “indicate the otherwise illegal activities were considered Tier I and Tier II violations. The Justice Department defines a Tier I violation as activity that would be criminal if not for the authorization of a federal prosecutor, and includes major crimes such as drug trafficking, public corruption and crimes of violence. Tier II violations aren’t necessarily less serious but can authorized by a senior FBI field manager.”

“Unfortunately, other law enforcement agencies are not required to keep such reports, although it is widely assumed that all levels of law enforcement allow informants to commit crimes during investigations”, says O’Brien Hatfield.

Annually, nearly 6,000 major crimes are being authorized by the FBI alone. Considering that all levels of law enforcement authorize criminal acts, the actual numbers would be truly staggering.

All levels of law enforcement sanction informants to commit major crimes in order to arrest and convict other individuals for committing these same crimes. This hypocrisy overwhelms the amount of criminal activity in the club community many times over.


Study Proves Police Commit More Felonies Than Outlaw Bikers


Police officers are arrested about 1,100 times a year, or roughly three officers charged every day, according to a new national study, thought to be the first-ever nationwide look at police crime, conducted by researchers at Bowling Green State University through a grant from the Justice Department’s National Institute of Justice.

The most common crimes were simple assault, aggravated assault, and significant numbers of sex crimes. About 72 percent of officers (825 annually) charged in cases with known outcomes are convicted, more than 40 percent of the crimes are committed on duty.

The number of convicted felons in clubs labeled OMG’s, as explained above, is approximately 8,800 total. The number of convicted cops over the last 11 years, according to the only data that exists, is 9,075. (825 convicted cops per year x 11 years). More cops have been convicted of felonies in the last 11 years than the total number of felons in clubs law enforcement labels OMG’s.

This is hypocrisy at the highest level. Statistically, without bias, police are more of a threat to public safety than outlaw motorcycle clubs have ever been.

Conclusions: Motorcycle Clubs Are Not A National Law Enforcement Issue.


Considered in context with data suggesting law enforcement is a larger contributor to crime, the analysis leaves no doubt that clubs targeted by law enforcement are targeted based on stereotype as opposed to statistical reality.  The vastly expensive surveillance, investigations, harassment and profiling campaigns conducted by authorities are simply not justified based on the irrefutable statistical reality that motorcycle clubs mathematically have a negligible to non-existent impact on the level and magnitude of felony crime in the United States.

The Caging of America

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
A prison is a trap for catching time. Good reporting appears often about the inner life of the American prison, but the catch is that American prison life is mostly undramatic—the reported stories fail to grab us, because, for the most part, nothing happens. One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich is all you need to know about Ivan Denisovich, because the idea that anyone could live for a minute in such circumstances seems impossible; one day in the life of an American prison means much less, because the force of it is that one day typically stretches out for decades. It isn’t the horror of the time at hand but the unimaginable sameness of the time ahead that makes prisons unendurable for their inmates. The inmates on death row in Texas are called men in “timeless time,” because they alone aren’t serving time: they aren’t waiting out five years or a decade or a lifetime. The basic reality of American prisons is not that of the lock and key but that of the lock and clock.

That’s why no one who has been inside a prison, if only for a day, can ever forget the feeling. Time stops. A note of attenuated panic, of watchful paranoia—anxiety and boredom and fear mixed into a kind of enveloping fog, covering the guards as much as the guarded. “Sometimes I think this whole world is one big prison yard, / Some of us are prisoners, some of us are guards,” Dylan sings, and while it isn’t strictly true—just ask the prisoners—it contains a truth: the guards are doing time, too. As a smart man once wrote after being locked up, the thing about jail is that there are bars on the windows and they won’t let you out. This simple truth governs all the others. What prisoners try to convey to the free is how the presence of time as something being done to you, instead of something you do things with, alters the mind at every moment. For American prisoners, huge numbers of whom are serving sentences much longer than those given for similar crimes anywhere else in the civilized world—Texas alone has sentenced more than four hundred teen-agers to life imprisonment—time becomes in every sense this thing you serve.

For most privileged, professional people, the experience of confinement is a mere brush, encountered after a kid’s arrest, say. For a great many poor people in America, particularly poor black men, prison is a destination that braids through an ordinary life, much as high school and college do for rich white ones. More than half of all black men without a high-school diploma go to prison at some time in their lives. Mass incarceration on a scale almost unexampled in human history is a fundamental fact of our country today—perhaps the fundamental fact, as slavery was the fundamental fact of 1850. In truth, there are more black men in the grip of the criminal-justice system—in prison, on probation, or on parole—than were in slavery then. Over all, there are now more people under “correctional supervision” in America—more than six million—than were in the Gulag Archipelago under Stalin at its height. That city of the confined and the controlled, Lockuptown, is now the second largest in the United States.

The accelerating rate of incarceration over the past few decades is just as startling as the number of people jailed: in 1980, there were about two hundred and twenty people incarcerated for every hundred thousand Americans; by 2010, the number had more than tripled, to seven hundred and thirty-one. No other country even approaches that. In the past two decades, the money that states spend on prisons has risen at six times the rate of spending on higher education. Ours is, bottom to top, a “carceral state,” in the flat verdict of Conrad Black, the former conservative press lord and newly minted reformer, who right now finds himself imprisoned in Florida, thereby adding a new twist to an old joke: A conservative is a liberal who’s been mugged; a liberal is a conservative who’s been indicted; and a passionate prison reformer is a conservative who’s in one.

The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in “supermax” prisons or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a day for an hour’s solo “exercise.” (Lock yourself in your bathroom and then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoöperative suspect being threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners. Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a hidden foundation for the country.

Shedding Light on Police Brutality

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
By CopBlock
Cecily Duran shared this post via CopBlock.org’s submit page.
As Alex Landau -age nineteen- and his passenger, Addison Hunold -age twenty one-, made their way down the street for some late-night burgers, a police car pulled in behind Landau, flashed its lights, and called for Landau to pull his car over. The officer made his way over to Landau’s window, said he’d made an illegal left turn, and asked for his license and registration. Landau explained to the officer that he had left his wallet at home, but offered the officer his proof of insurance and his Social Security number. As the officer went to check out the information given to him, Landau and Hunold waited in the car, both of them feeling nervous. The two had just come from a party where some people were smoking weed, not to mention that Hunold also had a container full of weed in his pocket. Both Hunold and Landau feared the smell of marijuana was noticeable enough for the officer to detect.
When the officer returned, Landau’s suspicions were proven right as the officer asked for the two to get out of the car to be searched for weapons or drugs. Hunold guessed the officer would find the weed anyway, so he handed over his container before even being patted down. The officer then asked Landau if he could search his car, and Landau approved. While the officer searched the front seats, a second cop car pulled over, occupied by male officer Randy Murr, and female officer Tiffany Middleton. When the first officer finished searching the inside of Landau’s car, he took his keys and walked towards the trunk. Landau cautiously stepped forward with his hands raised behind his head, and asked the officer if he had a warrant to search the trunk.
According to a civil rights complaint filed in court, the two cops who had just arrived went after Landau and grabbed him by both arms. The complaint notes that Officer Murr looked at Landau and said, “You don’t have your license,” then punched Landau in the face, causing both Officer Murr, Landau, Officer Middleton and the original officer Ricky Nixon, to lose their balance and tumble into the curb where the officers then continued to punch Landau. During the fight, Hunold screamed for them to stop, yet the brutal abuse continued.
It was when Landau faded in and out of consciousness that other cop cars pulled onto the scene, some standing idle and watching, others deciding to join in on the fight. During this long moment of torture for Landau, he seems to remember one horrifying detail: during the brawl, he recalls feeling the tip of a gun pressed to his temple. Shortly after this shocking realization, Landau blacked out. When he began to regain consciousness, he had already been dragged away from the crime scene where he remembers hearing an officer say, “Where’s that warrant now, you fucking nigger?” Landau remembers feeling someone behind him, putting him in handcuffs while an officer said to him, “You don’t know how close you were to getting your fucking head blown off.” Hunold was no longer on the scene, and there were approximately 8 officers now surrounding Landau, chatting and laughing as though the police abuse they had just witnessed was simply a casual event.
Alex Landau, a 23-year old African American man, was just one victim of thousands. From April of 2009 to June of 2010 alone, 5,986 cases of police misconduct were recorded in the United States, 60% of which consisted of excessive force through the use of firearms, 6.2% resulting in false arrests. Today our prisons consists mostly of men, the majority of which are African American or Latino. Several guesses as to why this is can be related to the societal pressure young men of color face, where being “tough” means never backing down to anyone, never exploiting their partners to the cops or ever allowing anyone to disrespect them. Other guesses are directed at the media and their influences on young men, where Lil Wayne and Drake are encouraged for their profanity, inappropriate behavior and catchy simple-minded lyrics such as the song “Love Me.” It is these artists and others similar who catch young people’s attention, influencing their style, personality and behavior. Yet, while the statistics regarding the differences between white and African and Latino prison percentages are quite close, the attitude wafting from most police officers are determined by the suspects’ race and their emitting appearances.
First and foremost, it should be noted that the job of a police officer is not an easy one. Police officers have to face stressful and frustrating situations that may be very often or very scarce, police officers face heavy pressure to meet society’s expectations and are entrusted to do the right thing and to put their lives on the line every day. Yet even though these are difficult tasks, some wonder if these requirements are crutches used for those facing court due to breaking procedure. In the case of Alex Landau, racial discrimination couldn’t have been more obvious. As for David Hudson, co-founder of DC Cop Block, he himself has encountered first-hand experience of men of color being targets for law enforcement. He says that, “As an African American 29-year-old male I can say yes, I am a victim of police brutality and harassment a lot. I’ve been kicked, punched, pepper sprayed, and choked.” As for any form of recurring violence, paranoia and mistrust can seep into those in society who have faced racial discrimination from their police officers. In situations such as protests and strikes, police officers are known to weapon themselves with pepper spray, guns, and tear gas. These weapons of choice damage the citizens through both physical and chemical abuse, and result in citizens feeling threatened by officers in our society. Hudson states, “Yes, I do feel threatened by the presence of law enforcement, especially when I’m alone. The reason why is because the law enforcement feel [that because] they have badges [it] gives them extra rights. They are taught to shoot first and ask questions later.” The problem with this ideology in our law enforcement system is that it creates room for corruption, preventable deaths, racial profiling – a term for a tactic where one is targeted by law enforcement due to the color of their skin – and overwhelming conflicts in low income communities where crime rates are much higher than those in high income communities.
Some people may wonder why the issue of racial profiling has not been addressed, and the answer lays with justifications for reasonable actions by law enforcement. Officers either do not admit or do not know that they are profiling. One officer of the San Leandro Police Department who wishes to remain anonymous notes, “Do I stop people because they’re black? No. Do I stop people because they’re Hispanic? No. It had nothing to do with race, you committed a crime.” While this is true for some police officers in the United States, this could also be used as an excuse for their departments meeting their monthly quota, a prescribed number of how many tickets need to be distributed or arrests to be made. As for Alameda County supervisor Richard Valle, his justification for people accusing police officers to be known for excessive force was that putting a badge and a uniform on does not ensure that a police officer will not lose his or her temper; “We’re only human, police make mistakes too.”
Alex Landau and David Hudson are but two living victims of over hundreds of victims related to police abuse. Yet there have been cases of victims who were not so lucky, whose families had to mourn their losses to the barrel of an officer’s gun or the fists of men with badges. Kelly Thomas died July 10, 2011 by the hands of three Fullerton police officers. Rodney King, in 1991, was severely beaten by LAPD during a riot, and later pronounced dead from a drowning accident. Oscar Grant, shot by ex-cop Johannes Mehserle, died on New Years of 2009. Melvin Jones III, lived through yet experienced an unnecessary beating by ex-cop Jeffrey M. Asher. Malice Green was beaten to death by an ex-detroit cop. Anthony Baez, 29 years old, was choked to death by Officer Livoti in 1994. Noel Polanco was unarmed and fatally shot by New York police. David Hudson relives a short story of police abuse during 2010: “I was pulled over for speeding. The officer walked up to my truck and opened my door. Then he began to choke me because I told him he was wrong for opening my door.”
It is important to say that not all police officers have overstepped their positions, thus explaining why some may feel that there are misconceptions about law enforcement. One officer stated a ‘misconception’ that is used regularly against police officers, “[The] most common is we’re all mean and use excessive force.” An anonymous officer of Hayward Police Department says, “[A common misconception is] that we cover or are willing to lie for each other.” This power to use excessive force is one people fear. Where some may be afraid to stand up for the belief that officers are corrupted, others prefer to take action into their own hands. Hudson states, “I came across some folks with sad stories and I just got tired of watching videos of police brutality. My, and others’, rights were being violated, so after doing some research on how to file a complaint form and “get justice the right way,” two years later I found myself on Copblock.org. We all want justice and police to [be] held accountable for [their] actions.” For those like Hudson, police abuse was not something that could be disregarded or pushed to the side. Alex Landau, too, couldn’t let the abuse go, and filed suit against Officer Murr, Officer Middleton and Officer Nixon. After fighting his case in court for years, Landau received compensation for the brutal beatings he had received, is now working in movements against police brutality and racial discrimination, and is inspiring others in our country to believe that it is possible to speak out against police injustice.

Cecily Duran

Statistics Prove Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Not A Public Threat

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
Authorities openly target motorcycle clubs, particularly 1% clubs, selectively enforcing the law, in order to harass or investigate individuals based on the belief that they are definitionally criminals. This perspective is based on an outdated stereotype that is ignorant of statistical reality and foundational constitutional principles that have been consistently confirmed by the Supreme Court and other federal courts.

Many federal and state authorities insist that what they call “outlaw motorcycle gangs/OMG’s” are a significant organized crime threat in America, despite the statistical data that proves criminal activity involving these clubs is negligible at best. (Note: the OMG tag is universally rejected by the clubs labeled gangs by law enforcement.)

Tens of millions of dollars are spent targeting and prosecuting motorcycle clubs based on a fallacy of composition. The regurgitated actions of the few are used to create a generalized assumption about thousands of people, regardless of statistical reality. Crimes committed by individual members of motorcycle clubs are highly sensationalized and presented to be representative of the entire community.  In fact, the statistical data that does exist, including the data generated by these same agencies, proves definitively that clubs labeled OMG’s represent a myopic percentage of criminal activity in this country.  Indeed, data suggests that law enforcement agencies commit and sanction many more major crimes than motorcycle clubs.

The Numbers


To begin to paint an accurate picture it is necessary to know how many members of these clubs and convicted felons there are in the US. Statistics say that there are 44,000 members of clubs labeled OMG’s, 24,000,000 convicted felons, and 6,851,000 whom are currently under correctional supervision.

  • The FBI’s National Gang Intelligence Center estimates that there are 44,000 members of so-called OMG’s in the U.S. According to the NGIC, “OMGs are organizations whose members use their motorcycle clubs as conduits for criminal enterprises. Although some law enforcement agencies regard only One Percenters as OMGs, the NGIC, for the purpose of this assessment, covers all OMG criminal organizations, including OMG support and puppet clubs.”

  • According to the Princeton University study, GROWTH IN THE U.S. EX-FELON AND EX-PRISONER POPULATION, 1948 TO 2010, 20 million people in 2010 had a felony conviction. Accounting for growth rates, there were approximately 24 million people in 2014 with a felony conviction.

  • According to the US Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), 6,851,000 adults were under correctional supervision (probation, parole, jail, or prison) in 2014. (see BJS, “Correctional Populations In The United States, 2014”)

Statistical Reality- Outlaw Motorcycle Clubs Members a very small fraction of convicted felons in the US.


Although there is no statistical data tracking the number of motorcycle club members who are convicted felons, law enforcement would have you believe that all members of clubs they have labeled OMG’s are criminals.

Despite the obvious inaccuracy of this claim,- most members of clubs labeled OMG’s have no criminal record- let us assume for the sake of argument, and to demonstrate the absurdity of law enforcement assumptions, that every member of every club that authorities label a criminal gang is a convicted felon.

Even if all 44,000 members of clubs labeled OMG’s were convicted felons, the overall impact on felony convictions would be minuscule. Do the math. 44,000 members/24,000,000 convicted felons=0.00183333 or .183333%.  The impact on those currently under correctional supervision would be similarly insignificant. 44,000 members/6,851,000 currently under supervision=0.00642242 or .64%. A fraction of 1% does not justify the stereotype of criminality. It’s that simple.  The following Pie Chart graphically demonstrates the absurdity of focusing on motorcycle clubs as a law enforcement priority.
Graph of All Convicted Felons vs. Outlaw Motorcycle Club Members

Actual Number of Convicted Felons Among Clubs Labeled OMG’s


Although the NGIC estimates the number of members, no data on how many members are actually convicted felons is available.  On August 2, 2016 the MPP conducted a short survey with a small national sampling to generate data on the issue.  The survey data is derived solely from motorcycle clubs labeled OMG’s by law enforcement.   The survey asked two questions; 1- number of members in your Chapter; and 2- number of convicted felons in your Chapter.

Survey Results:

# of Chapters included in Survey: 5 (States surveyed include Washington, Oregon, California, Texas, and Maryland.)

Average Number of members: 15
Average number of Convicted Felons per Chapter: 3 or 20%

15/3 WA
16/4 OR
14/3 TX
14/1 MD
16/4 CA

The survey results revealed that there was an average of 1 convicted felon in 5, or 20%.  Although the above example, which counts every member of targeted clubs as convicted felons, demonstrates that clubs definitionally have a minimal crime print, 20% of members is a far more realistic projection than 100%.  20% of 44,000 = 8,800 club members that are convicted felons.  8,800 represents an almost non-existent 0.036% of the 24,000,0000 total convicted felons in the US.


Why Are There Felons In Motorcycle Clubs?


Options in society for most felons are extremely limited in terms of employment and some basic civil liberties and often felons feel rejected and stigmatized by society. Motorcycle club culture was created by individuals that had been rejected by society after having returned home from war. Motorcycle clubs provide an opportunity for reintegration to those released from incarceration without the constraints of a judgmental mainstream.

The motorcycle club world is a classless society in terms of mainstream establishment social hierarchy.  It doesn’t matter whether you’re a common laborer or an executive.  When you walk into the club world, status is dictated by respect and honor and not your education or job title.  Club culture provides an alternative way of life free from the condemnations of the mainstream. Everyone has to live by the same legal schematic. But not everyone has to reinforce or acknowledge mainstream social hierarchies or elitist behavior.

Note: Some crimes are definitionally despicable and individuals that have committed these crimes are not accepted, or they are ostracized, from the club community. Crimes targeting children are an example of such an offense.

Hypocrisy Defined: LE Authorizes Informants To Commit Thousands of Major Crimes Annually


For decades, law enforcement agencies have authorized informants to commit major crimes.  Labeled “otherwise illegal activity”, these sanctioned major crimes are considered to be necessary for undercover informant work.  But, aside from the FBI, “otherwise illegal activity” has not been quantified by other state and federal agencies.

In 1997, according to the criminal defense firm O’Brien Hatfield, PA, “It came to light when reporters revealed the FBI had authorized mobster “Whitey” Bulger to continue his criminal enterprise long after he became an FBI informant in 1975. Since that revelation, the U.S. Attorney General has required the FBI to keep reports on “otherwise illegal activity” by its “confidential human sources.”

But obtaining these reports has proven difficult over the years. At least until members of the press were able to obtain some quantifiable numbers from the FBI. The Huffington Post Reported on December 27,2013:

“In a Jan. 14, 2013, letter to Justice Department officials, obtained by The Huffington Post through a Freedom of Information Act request, FBI officials disclosed that its 56 field offices authorized informants to break the law at least 5,939 times during the 2012 calendar year. USA Today reported earlier this year that the bureau allowed its informants to break the law 5,658 times in 2011.”

O’Brien Hatfield explains that the reports “indicate the otherwise illegal activities were considered Tier I and Tier II violations. The Justice Department defines a Tier I violation as activity that would be criminal if not for the authorization of a federal prosecutor, and includes major crimes such as drug trafficking, public corruption and crimes of violence. Tier II violations aren’t necessarily less serious but can authorized by a senior FBI field manager.”

“Unfortunately, other law enforcement agencies are not required to keep such reports, although it is widely assumed that all levels of law enforcement allow informants to commit crimes during investigations”, says O’Brien Hatfield.

Annually, nearly 6,000 major crimes are being authorized by the FBI alone. Considering that all levels of law enforcement authorize criminal acts, the actual numbers would be truly staggering.

All levels of law enforcement sanction informants to commit major crimes in order to arrest and convict other individuals for committing these same crimes. This hypocrisy overwhelms the amount of criminal activity in the club community many times over.


Study Proves Police Commit More Felonies Than Outlaw Bikers


Police officers are arrested about 1,100 times a year, or roughly three officers charged every day, according to a new national study, thought to be the first-ever nationwide look at police crime, conducted by researchers at Bowling Green State University through a grant from the Justice Department’s National Institute of Justice.

The most common crimes were simple assault, aggravated assault, and significant numbers of sex crimes. About 72 percent of officers (825 annually) charged in cases with known outcomes are convicted, more than 40 percent of the crimes are committed on duty.

The number of convicted felons in clubs labeled OMG’s, as explained above, is approximately 8,800 total. The number of convicted cops over the last 11 years, according to the only data that exists, is 9,075. (825 convicted cops per year x 11 years). More cops have been convicted of felonies in the last 11 years than the total number of felons in clubs law enforcement labels OMG’s.

This is hypocrisy at the highest level. Statistically, without bias, police are more of a threat to public safety than outlaw motorcycle clubs have ever been.

Conclusions: Motorcycle Clubs Are Not A National Law Enforcement Issue.


Considered in context with data suggesting law enforcement is a larger contributor to crime, the analysis leaves no doubt that clubs targeted by law enforcement are targeted based on stereotype as opposed to statistical reality.  The vastly expensive surveillance, investigations, harassment and profiling campaigns conducted by authorities are simply not justified based on the irrefutable statistical reality that motorcycle clubs mathematically have a negligible to non-existent impact on the level and magnitude of felony crime in the United States.

Too Loud Laws - Noise Laws, around the USA

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
agingrebel.com
First Published
Mon, Oct 27, 2008
Too Loud Laws
Everyone agrees, we must be stopped by any means necessary, fair or foul. The latest weapon against us is the “noise pollution” law.
Right out of the gate, let’s not dance around. First thing, let’s state two self-evident truths.
“Noise pollution” laws are a most excellent example of what Clinton guru Dick Morris used to call “bite-sized” laws. And, the political concept behind “bite-sized” laws is: Government at all levels is impotent to do anything about anything that matters but self-serving politicians can at least win elections by conjuring problems out of the thin air and then creating the illusion that they are solving those imaginary problems.
Secondly, in case you haven’t noticed, municipal governments are gathering more and more of their revenue these days from the enforcement of traffic laws. Have you been seeing more cops on the road lately and you still are not sure what is behind all that “police presence?” Money. Now you know. Money.
One way to increase revenue from traffic fines is to find more efficient ways to enforce existing laws-like “red light cameras” which automate the enforcement of laws against turning right on a red light after less than a full two-second stop. Right turns on red after a rolling or too brief a stop account for about 99 percent of these tickets. In Los Angeles these tickets result in a $385 fine and that amount is split evenly between the city and the private firm that franchises these devices and stores the video evidence.
A second way to increase revenue from traffic fines is to invent new traffic offenses, like motorcycle “noise pollution.”
Noise Pollution
Noise pollution is one of those new problems that have been created as if by magic. Sure, people who live near railroad tracks and airports have been bothered forever. But, the idea of noise as a kind of pollution, like smoke or dust, was just invented in 2004. And, the inventor was a college professor named Ted Rueter.
Rueter, who taught “political activism” at UCLA, founded a “group,” with a membership of “one,” called “Noise Free America.”
“A lot of people get off on noise and think that there’s something wrong with peace and quiet,” Rueter told the Utne Reader in 2005. “We’re still fighting a public perception that this is a trivial issue and anyone who’s concerned or interested in curbing noise is a crank.”
Note Rueter’s use of the imperial “we.” Isn’t that great? We. “We are still fighting….”
Rueter went on to tell the Utne Reader that he (or maybe we) “dreams of the day when a forward-thinking class action attorney decides to take offending manufacturers to court. ‘It would be a monumental case-much stronger than anything you could throw at the fast food industry…no one is being forced to go to McDonald’s.’”
Harley’s Brave Stand For Us
As Rueter’s crusade pertains to motorcycles, the manufacturer he is soliciting underemployed lawyers to sue is, naturally, Harley-Davidson. And, nothing so terrifies any big corporation more than the phrase, “Class Action Lawsuit.” So, in case you have been wondering why Harley CEO Jim McCaslin went on the company website in 2006 and wrote these words about motorcycle noise:
“So what if you’ve picked the wrong pipes? Then you have a very important individual decision to make. We all do. No one expects everyone to change out their straight pipes overnight. But we all must consider changing out our thinking. We need to think about the consequences our actions have on others, before others take action against us.”
Yeah. Us. Now you know that, too.
The “action” McCaslin was talking about was a class action lawsuit. And, the us he was talking about was him. And, now you also know why Harley has been so timid about this subject in general.
Victims Of Noise Pollution Speak Out, Newz At Eleven
The “noise pollution issue” has offered cynical local politicians and highly paid cops a new means to increase revenue and exercise social control over people like us who tend to have unruly hair and colorful tattoos.
Rueter sent out press releases. Of course, he did. What else does a “political activism” professor do?
Local newspapers printed these releases virtually verbatim and thus alerted the American people to this new threat. “Laura!”
“What is it this time, George?”
“Have you seen this in the paper? About noise pollution. No wonder we ain’t happy no more like we was.”
After reading about their new problem, people demanded that something be done by somebody. And, of course the police and the politicians proved that they were doing a good job by ticketing us.
This time us means us. Okay? If you are reading this chances are good you are one of us. Us.
The magical, lucrative, travelling, “noise pollution,” medicine show has passed through many American towns in the last four years. In the last month it has been strumming and dancing its way through Myrtle Beach, SC on the east coast and Temecula, CA on the west.
Myrtle Beach
Myrtle Beach passed an ordinance on September 23 that states: “Motorcycles built after Dec. 31, 1982, must have unmodified exhaust mufflers bearing federal Environmental Protection Agency stickers or stamps. Motorcycles built before Dec. 31, 1982, must not be louder than 83 decibels when measured from 20 inches away.”
Bikes that are louder than 83 decibels must be impounded and are not released until the owner shows up with a tow truck. Once impounded the bikes cannot be ridden out of Myrtle Beach.
Now, eighty-three decibels is an entirely arbitrary number. It is a sound level somebody picked out a hat.
By way of comparison, a telephone dial tone is 80 decibels. Which is also the Federal standard for a motorcycle exhaust. Eighty decibels. Consider that. Someone in Washington with the power to invent new laws thinks that a motorcycle should be exactly as loud as a dial tone.
The decibel level inside a closed car in traffic is 85 decibels. That is two decibels louder than the Myrtle Beach standard for a bike. So, the Myrtle Beach standard guarantees that if you are in a car and there is a motorcycle in your blind spot you will never know he is there.
A subway train at a distance of 200 feet is 95 decibels. And, the crescendo of “Ode To Joy” the fourth movement of Ludwig Van Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony-a tune you know and you have hummed even if you do not recognize the title-is about 125 decibels. Joy. Beethoven wanted to make the great, overpowering sound of joy.
So, soon a call must go out in this great land. One of the great musical treasures of western civilization will be discovered by television news to be loud. Loud! And so, we-and by we I mean them-must ban Beethoven! We must ban Beethoven now or who is to say where all this Beethoven pollution will ever stop!
Temecula
California also has a number, 95 decibels. And again, it is a number that the California Highway Patrol (CHP) more or less picked out of the air. It is not a bad number. It is a better number than the Myrtle Beach number.
But then, since when does a California cop need a number? In an article in the Malibu Times in 2005, CHP information officer Leland Tang admitted that whether a motorcycle is too loud or not too loud is “open to the officer’s interpretation, with experience and training, as to what is too loud.”
Got that? Trust the policeman. He is your friend. You know he will do what is right. That is the actual California standard: “The officer’s interpretation.”
Consequently, Temecula which has in the past been a destination for weekend riders, issued 60 tickets during the first three weekends in September. And, the tickets were all issued on an individual officer’s “interpretation,” based on his “experience and training” of what was “too loud.”
Why Loud Pipes
If you changed out your pipes you know why you did it. First, it allowed you to go from 58 horsepower to 68 horsepower. And a 15 percent increase in power makes a huge difference in your ability to accelerate away from danger. Secondly, and more importantly, loud pipes save lives.
People who have never been on a motorcycle routinely mock the notion that loud pipes save lives. Ted Rueter has repeatedly mocked the “myth” that loud pipes save lives. Critics of the “myth” always argue that most motorcycle accidents occur in front of the bike so it must have been the biker who was at fault and the loudness of his pipes could not have made any difference.
Of course you know how loud pipes save lives. Accidents happen in front of the bike because somebody has turned in front of you. Or somebody has pulled out of a side street or a driveway in front of you.
And after they do this, while you and the bike are both laying there, leaking oil and blood all over the asphalt, when the first witness arrives, these motorists always say the same thing. They say, “I never knew he was there.”
Oakland
Even cops know loud pipes save lives. Take for example, the Oakland, CA Police Department.
Oakland is an old school department that still rides Harley-Davidsons and last spring, the city did a study that indicated that their police bikes might be noise polluters. Consequently all 30 of the department’s Harleys were fitted with quieter, stock exhaust systems. These were the exhausts that come with the bikes, the exhausts you drive out of the dealership.
And, that improvement in the way things are lasted all the way until March, 2008 when an Oakland motorcycle cop riding a Harley with a stock exhaust was struck by an automobile driver who said he never knew the motorcycle was there.
According to Oakland Deputy Chief Dave Kozicki, quoted in the San Francisco Examiner, “the decibel drop sparked a chorus of complaints from other officers, who said they felt less safe.” The department concluded, Kozicki went on to say, that “it was in the best interest of the officers to put more-audible pipes back on.”
So, Oakland paid $15,000 to put new louder pipes on 30 department bikes and when the city bought another 15 bikes they came with louder, non-standard exhaust systems as well.
The new exhausts, when tested, averaged 93 decibels. So, all 45 bikes would be impounded in Myrtle Beach. And, how they would do in Temecula would depend on the moon, the tides, astrology and the mood of the local cops that minute in that hour on that day.

BABE OF THE WEEK -DONNABROOK1

Joke Of The Week

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
On a bitterly cold winter morning a husband and wife were listening to the radio during breakfast. They heard the announcer say, “We are going to have 8 to 10 inches of snow today. You must park your car on the even-numbered side of the street, so the snow ploughs can get through.” So the good wife went out and moved her car.
A week later while they are eating breakfast again, the radio announcer said, “We are expecting 10 to 12 inches of snow today. You must park your car on the odd-numbered side of the street, so the snow ploughs can get through.” The good wife went out and moved her car again.
The next week they are again having breakfast, when the radio announcer says, “We are expecting 12 to 14 inches of snow today. You must park….” Then the electric power went out. The good wife was very upset, and with a worried look on her face she said, “I don’t know what to do. Which side of the street do I need to park on so the snow ploughs can get through?”
Then with the love and understanding in his voice that all men who are married to blondes exhibit, the husband replied,
”Why don’t you just leave the car in the garage this time…”

2016 National Gang Threat Assessment – Emerging Trends

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
view printable version (pdf)
2011 National Gang Threat Assessment – Emerging Trends.jpg
Preface
The National Gang Intelligence Center (NGIC) prepared the 2016 National Gang Threat Assessment (NGTA) to examine emerging gang trends and threats posed by criminal gangs to communities throughout the United States. The 2016 NGTA enhances and builds on the gang-related trends and criminal threats identified in the 2009 assessment. It supports US Department of Justice strategic objectives 2.2 (to reduce the threat, incidence, and prevalence of violent crime) and 2.4 (to reduce the threat, trafficking, use, and related violence of illegal drugs). The assessment is based on federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement and corrections agency intelligence, including information and data provided by the National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC) and the National Gang Center. Additionally, this assessment is supplemented by information retrieved from open source documents and data collected through April 2012.
Scope and Methodology
In 2009, the NGIC released its second threat assessment on gang activity in the United States. The NGIC and its law enforcement partners documented increases in gang proliferation and migration nationwide and emerging threats. This report attempts to expand on these findings. Reporting and intelligence collected over the past two years have demonstrated increases in the number of gangs and gang members as law enforcement authorities nationwide continue to identify gang members and share information regarding these groups. Better reporting and collection has contributed greatly to the increased documentation and reporting of gang members and gang trends. 
Information in the 2014 National Gang Threat Assessment-Emerging Trends was derived from law enforcement intelligence, open source information, and data collected from the NDIC, including the 2010 NDIC National Drug Threat Survey (NDTS). NGIC law enforcement partners provided information and guidance regarding new trends and intelligence through an online request for information via the NGIC Law Enforcement Online (LEO) Special Interest Group (SIG), which is now NGIC Online. Law enforcement agencies nationwide continuously report new and emerging gang trends to the NGIC, as the NGIC continues to operate as a repository and dissemination hub for gang intelligence. This information provided by our law enforcement partners was used to identify many of the trends and issues included in this report. 
Reporting used to quantify the number of street and outlaw motorcycle gangs and gang members was primarily derived from the 2010 NDIC NDTS data and some supplemental NGIC reporting from our law enforcement partners. NDIC annually conducts the NDTS to collect data on the threat posed by various illicit drugs in the United States. A stratified random sample of nearly 3,500 state and local law enforcement agencies was surveyed to generate national, regional, and state estimates of various aspects of drug trafficking activities including the threat posed by various drugs, the availability and production of illicit drugs, as well as the role of street gangs and outlaw motorcycle gangs in drug trafficking activity. Weighted national, regional, and state-level statistical estimates derived from NDTS 2010 data was based on responses received from 2,963 law enforcement agencies out of a sample of 3,465 agencies. In calculating the number of street and outlaw motorcycle gang members, respondents in each region were asked to select from a series of ranges of numbers. The median numbers of each range were aggregated to generate an estimate for the total number of gang members. In calculating the number of street and outlaw motorcycle gangs, the low end of each range was aggregated to generate an estimate for the total number of gangs and gang members. Prison gang member estimates were derived directly from the US Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) and state correctional institutions across the country.
About the NGIC
The NGIC was established by Congress in 2005 to support law enforcement agencies through timely and accurate information sharing and strategic/tactical analysis of federal, state, and local law enforcement information focusing on the growth, migration, criminal activity, and association of gangs that pose a significant threat to communities throughout the United States. The NGIC is comprised of representatives from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF), US Bureau of Prisons (BOP), United States Marshals Service (USMS), US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), US Department of Defense (DOD), National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC), and US Customs and Border Protection (CBP). This multi-agency fusion center integrates gang intelligence assets to serve as a central intelligence resource for gang information and analytical support.
To assist in the sharing of gang intelligence with law enforcement, the NGIC has established NGIC Online, an information system comprised of a set of web-based tools designed for researching gang-related intelligence and sharing of information with federal, state, local and tribal law enforcement partners. The system’s Request for Information (RFI) portal encourages users to contribute new data as well as conduct gang research through custom threat assessments and/or liaison with NGIC’s network of national subject matter experts. NGIC Online functions include RFI submissions and responses; Gang Encyclopedia WIKI; General Intelligence Library; and a Signs, Symbols, and Tattoos (SST) database with user submissions.
Gang Definitions

Gang
Definition
Street

Street gangs are criminal organizations formed on the street operating throughout the United States.
Prison
Prison gangs are criminal organizations that originated within the penal system and operate within correctional facilities throughout the United States, although released members may be operating on the street. Prison gangs are also self-perpetuating criminal entities that can continue their criminal operations outside the confines of the penal system.
Outlaw Motorcycle (OMGs)
OMGs are organizations whose members use their motorcycle clubs as conduits for criminal enterprises. Although some law enforcement agencies regard only One Percenters as OMGs, the NGIC, for the purpose of this assessment, covers all OMG criminal organizations, including OMG support and puppet clubs.
One Percenter
OMGs
ATF defines One Percenters as any group of motorcyclists who have voluntarily made a commitment to band together to abide by their organization’s rules enforced by violence and who engage in activities that bring them and their club into repeated and serious conflict with society and the law. The group must be an ongoing organization, association of three (3) or more persons which have a common interest and/or activity characterized by the commission of or involvement in a pattern of criminal or delinquent conduct. ATF estimates there are approximately 300 One Percenter OMGs in the United States.
Neighborhood/Local
Neighborhood or Local street gangs are confined to specific neighborhoods and jurisdictions and often imitate larger, more powerful national gangs. The primary purpose for many neighborhood gangs is drug distribution and sales.


Regional Breakdown:
Maps and data in this assessment are presented according to the FBI’s Safe Streets Gang Task Force regions.

Region
States
North Central

Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, Wisconsin
Northeast
Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia
South Central
Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas
Southeast
Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, Puerto Rico, South Carolina, Virginia
West
Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington, Wyoming


Executive Summary
Gangs continue to commit criminal activity, recruit new members in urban, suburban, and rural regions across the United States, and develop criminal associations that expand their influence over criminal enterprises, particularly street-level drug sales. The most notable trends for 2011 have been the overall increase in gang membership, and the expansion of criminal street gangs’ control of street-level drug sales and collaboration with rival gangs and other criminal organizations.a
Key Findings
Gangs are expanding, evolving and posing an increasing threat to US communities nationwide. Many gangs are sophisticated criminal networks with members who are violent, distribute wholesale quantities of drugs, and develop and maintain close working relationships with members and associates of transnational criminal/drug trafficking organizations. Gangs are becoming more violent while engaging in less typical and lower-risk crime, such as prostitution and white-collar crime. Gangs are more adaptable, organized, sophisticated, and opportunistic, exploiting new and advanced technology as a means to recruit, communicate discretely, target their rivals, and perpetuate their criminal activity. Based on state, local, and federal law enforcement reporting, the NGIC concludes that: 
  • There are approximately 1.4 million active street, prison, and OMG gang members comprising more than 33,000 gangs in the United States. Gang membership increased most significantly in the Northeast and Southeast regions, although the West and Great Lakes regions boast the highest number of gang members. Neighborhood-based gangs, hybrid gang members, and national-level gangs such as the Sureños are rapidly expanding in many jurisdictions. Many communities are also experiencing an increase in ethnic-based gangs such as African, Asian, Caribbean, and Eurasian gangs.
  • Gangs are responsible for an average of 48 percent of violent crime in most jurisdictions and up to 90 percent in several others, according to NGIC analysis. Major cities and suburban areas experience the most gang-related violence. Local neighborhood-based gangs and drug crews continue to pose the most significant criminal threat in most communities. Aggressive recruitment of juveniles and immigrants, alliances and conflict between gangs, the release of incarcerated gang members from prison, advancements in technology and communication, and Mexican Drug Trafficking Organization (MDTO) involvement in drug distribution have resulted in gang expansion and violence in a number of jurisdictions.
  • Gangs are increasingly engaging in non-traditional gang-related crime, such as alien smuggling, human trafficking, and prostitution. Gangs are also engaging in white collar crime such as counterfeiting, identity theft, and mortgage fraud, primarily due to the high profitability and much lower visibility and risk of detection and punishment than drug and weapons trafficking.
  • US-based gangs have established strong working relationships with Central American and MDTOs to perpetrate illicit cross-border activity, as well as with some organized crime groups in some regions of the United States. US-based gangs and MDTOs are establishing wide-reaching drug networks; assisting in the smuggling of drugs, weapons, and illegal immigrants along the Southwest Border; and serving as enforcers for MDTO interests on the US side of the border.
  • Many gang members continue to engage in gang activity while incarcerated. Family members play pivotal roles in assisting or facilitating gang activities and recruitment during a gang members’ incarceration. Gang members in some correctional facilities are adopting radical religious views while incarcerated.
  • Gangs encourage members, associates, and relatives to obtain law enforcement, judiciary, or legal employment in order to gather information on rival gangs and law enforcement operations. Gang infiltration of the military continues to pose a significant criminal threat, as members of at least 53 gangs have been identified on both domestic and international military installations. Gang members who learn advanced weaponry and combat techniques in the military are at risk of employing these skills on the street when they return to their communities.
  • Gang members are acquiring high-powered, military-style weapons and equipment which poses a significant threat because of the potential to engage in lethal encounters with law enforcement officers and civilians. Typically firearms are acquired through illegal purchases; straw purchases via surrogates or middle-men, and thefts from individuals, vehicles, residences and commercial establishments. Gang members also target military and law enforcement officials, facilities, and vehicles to obtain weapons, ammunition, body armor, police gear, badges, uniforms, and official identification.
  • Gangs on Indian Reservations often emulate national-level gangs and adopt names and identifiers from nationally recognized urban gangs. Gang members on some Indian Reservations are associating with gang members in the community to commit crime.
  • Gangs are becoming increasingly adaptable and sophisticated, employing new and advanced technology to facilitate criminal activity discreetly, enhance their criminal operations, and connect with other gang members, criminal organizations, and potential recruits nationwide and even worldwide.
Current Gang-Related Trends and Crime
Gang membership continues to expand throughout communities nationwide, as gangs evolve, adapt to new threats, and form new associations. Consequently, gang-related crime and violence is increasing as gangs employ violence and intimidation to control their territory and illicit operations. Many gangs have advanced beyond their traditional role as local retail drug distributors in large cities to become more organized, adaptable, and influential in large-scale drug trafficking. Gang members are migrating from urban areas to suburban and rural communities to recruit new members, expand their drug distribution territories, form new alliances, and collaborate with rival gangs and criminal organizations for profit and influence. Local neighborhood, hybrid and female gang membership is on the rise in many communities. Prison gang members, who exert control over many street gang members, often engage in crime and violence upon their return to the community. Gang members returning to the community from prison have an adverse and lasting impact on neighborhoods, which may experience notable increases in crime, violence, and drug trafficking.
Gang Membership and Expansion
Approximately 1.4 million active street, OMG, and prison gang members, comprising more than 33,000 gangs, are criminally active within all 50 US states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico (see Appendix A). This represents a 40 percent increase from an estimated 1 million gang members in 2009. The NGIC attributes this increase in gang membership primarily to improved reporting, more aggressive recruitment efforts by gangs, the formation of new gangs, new opportunities for drug trafficking, and collaboration with rival gangs and drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). Law enforcement in several jurisdictions also attribute the increase in gang membership in their region to the gangster rap culture, the facilitation of communication and recruitment through the Internet and social media, the proliferation of generational gang members, and a shortage of resources to combat gangs.
More than half of NGIC law enforcement partners report an increase in gang-related criminal activity in their jurisdictions over the past two years. Neighborhood-based gangs continue to pose the greatest threat in most jurisdictions nationwide.
  • NGIC and NDIC data indicates that, since 2009, gang membership increased most significantly in the Northeast and Southeast regions, although the West and North Central regions—particularly Arizona, California, and Illinois—boast the highest number of gang members.

2011 Estimated Gang Membership

Members
Gangs
Street
1,140,344
30,313
OMG
44,108 
2,965
Prison
231,136**
n/a
Total
1,415,578
33,278
*Based on 2010 and 2011 NGIC and NDIC data
**Based on reporting from 32 states



2011 Estimated Street and OMG Membership by Region
North Central
260,022
Northeast
159,158
South Central
167,353
Southeast
117,205
West
480,715
Total
1,184,453
*Based on 2010 and 2011 NGIC and NDIC data


  • Sureño gangs, including Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), 18th Street, and Florencia 13, are expanding faster than other national-level gangs, both in membership and geographically. Twenty states and the District of Columbia report an increase of Sureño migration into their region over the past three years. California has experienced a substantial migration of Sureño gangs into northern California and neighboring states, such as Arizona, Nevada, and Oregon.
  • Law enforcement reporting indicates a significant increase in OMGs in a number of jurisdictions, with 44,108 members nationwide comprising approximately 2,965 gangs.b Jurisdictions in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Missouri, Montana, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, and Virginia are experiencing the most significant increase in OMGs, increasing the potential for gang-related turf wars with other local OMGs. The Wheels of Soul (WOS), Mongols, Outlaws, Pagans and Vagos have expanded in several states.
Table 1. Recent Expansion of Major OMGs:

Gang
Region
Mongols
Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Illinois, Kentucky, Montana, Nevada, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, Washington
Outlaws
Arkansas, Montana, Maryland, North Carolina, New York
Pagans
Delaware, New Jersey, Ohio
Vagos
California, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, New York,
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota
Wheels of Soul
Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Illinois, Kentucky, New York

Source: ATF
Figure 1. Nationwide Gang Presence
ngic-ndic_usgangpresence06_11map
Source: NGIC and NDIC 2010 National Drug Survey Data
Chart 1. Threat Posed by Gangs, According to Law Enforcement.
The NGIC collected intelligence from law enforcement officials nationwide in an attempt to capture the threat posed by national-level street, prison, outlaw motorcycle, and neighborhood-based gangs in their communities.
nationwidethreatofgangs
Source: 2011 NGIC National data
Gang-Related Violent Crime
Gang-related crime and violence continues to rise. NGIC analysis indicates that gang members are responsible for an average of 48 percent of violent crime in most jurisdictions and much higher in others. Some jurisdictions in Arizona, California, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts, Oklahoma, and Texas report that gangs are responsible for at least 90 percent of crime. A comparison of FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) 2009 violent crime data and 2010 NGIC gang data illustrates that regions experiencing the most violent crime—including southern California, Texas, and Florida—also have a substantial gang presence (see Figure 1 and Map 7). Street gangs are involved in a host of violent criminal activities, including assault, drug trafficking, extortion, firearms offenses, home invasion robberies, homicide, intimidation, shootings, and weapons trafficking. NDIC reporting indicates that gang control over drug distribution and disputes over drug territory has increased, which may be responsible for the increase in violence in many areas. Conflict between gangs, gang migration into rival gang territory, and the release of incarcerated gang members back into the community has also resulted in an increase in gang-related crime and violence in many jurisdictions, according to NGIC reporting.
Table 2. Percentage of Violent Crime Committed by Gangs as reported by NGIC Law Enforcement Partners

% of violent crime committed by gangs
% of LE Officials
1-25%
34.0%
26-50%
28.4%
51-75%
22.7%
76-100%
14.9%


Chart 2. Threat Posed by Gangs, as Reported by Law Enforcement.
The NGIC collected intelligence from its law enforcement partners nationwide in an effort to capture the criminal threat posed by national-level street, prison, outlaw motorcycle, and neighborhood-based gangs in their communities. The following chart represents the percentage of gang involvement in crime.
nationwideganginvolvement
Source: 2011 NGIC data
According to National Youth Gang Survey reporting, larger cities and suburban counties accounted for the majority of gang-related violence and more than 96 percent of all gang homicides in 2009.1 As previous studies have indicated, neighborhood-based gangs and drug crews continue to pose the most significant criminal threat in these regions.
  • Law enforcement officials in the Washington, DC metropolitan region are concerned about a spate of gang-related violence in their area. In February 2011, ICE officials indicted 11 MS-13 members for a two-year spree of murders, stabbings, assaults, robberies, and drug distribution. Likewise, gangs such as MS-13 and Bloods in Prince George’s County, Maryland, are suspected to be involved in up to 16 homicides since January 2011.2
  • USMS reported 5,705 gang-affiliated felony fugitives in 2010, a 14 percent increase from the number of gang fugitives in 2009. California and Texas report the highest number of gang fugitives, with 1,284 and 542 respectively.
Gang-Related Drug Distribution and Trafficking
Gang involvement and control of the retail drug trade poses a serious threat to public safety and stability in most major cities and in many mid-size cities because such distribution activities are routinely associated with lethal violence. Violent disputes over control of drug territory and enforcement of drug debts frequently occur among gangs in both urban and suburban areas, as gangs expand their control of drug distribution in many jurisdictions, according to NDIC and NGIC reporting. In 2010, law enforcement agencies in 51 major US cities reported moderate to significant levels of gang-related drug activity.
NDIC survey data indicates that 69 percent of US law enforcement agencies report gang involvement in drug distribution.
  • In June 2010, a joint federal-state law enforcement operation led to the arrest of eight people linked to a San Gabriel Valley street gang involved in violent crimes and methamphetamine trafficking in support of the California Mexican Mafia (La Eme).3
NDIC reporting suggests that gangs are advancing beyond their traditional role as local retail drug distributors in large cities and becoming more influential in large-scale drug trafficking, resulting in an increase in violent crime in several regions of the country.4
  • Law enforcement reporting indicates that gang-related drug distribution and trafficking has resulted in an increase of kidnappings, assaults, robberies and homicides along the US Southwest border region.
Gang involvement in drug trafficking has also resulted in the expansion and migration of some gangs into new US communities, according to NDIC reporting.
  • Gang members from the Midwest are migrating to southern states to expand their drug trafficking operations.
Figure 3. Major Cities Reporting Gang-Related Drug Activity in 2010 
Major Cities Reporting Gang-Related Drug Activity in 2010
Source: NDIC 2010 National Drug Threat Survey

Juvenile Gangs
Many jurisdictions are experiencing an increase in juvenile gangs and violencec, which is often attributed, in part, to the increased incarceration rates of older members and the aggressive recruitment of juveniles in schools. Gangs have traditionally targeted youths because of their vulnerability and susceptibility to recruitment tactics, as well as their likelihood of avoiding harsh criminal sentencing and willingness to engage in violence.
NGIC reporting indicates that juvenile gangs are responsible for a majority of crime in various jurisdictions in Arizona, California, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, North Carolina, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, and Washington.
  • Juvenile gang members in some communities are hosting parties and organizing special events which develop into opportunities for recruiting, drugs, sexual exploitation, and criminal activity.
  • Gangster Rap gangs, often comprised of juveniles, are forming and are being used to launder drug money through seemingly legitimate businesses, according to NGIC reporting.
Gang Alliances and Collaboration
Collaboration between rival gangs and criminal organizations and increased improvement in communications, transportation, and technology have enabled national-level gangs to expand and secure their criminal networks throughout the United States and in other countries. 
  • According to NGIC reporting, gang members in California are collaborating with members of rival gangs to further criminal activities such as drug distribution, prostitution of minors, and money laundering.
  • Gangs in the correctional system are committing crimes for other gangs in an effort to confuse and evade law enforcement. 
Gang Sophistication
Gang members are becoming more sophisticated in their structure and operations and are modifying their activity to minimize law enforcement scrutiny and circumvent gang enhancement laws. Gangs in several jurisdictions have modified or ceased traditional or stereotypical gang indicia and no longer display their colors, tattoos, or hand signs. Others are forming hybrid gangs to avoid police attention and make to it more difficult for law enforcement to identify and monitor them, according to NGIC reporting. Many gangs are engaging in more sophisticated criminal schemes, including white collar and cyber crime, targeting and infiltrating sensitive systems to gain access to sensitive areas or information, and targeting and monitoring law enforcement.
Expansion of Ethnic-Based and Non-Traditional Gangs
Law enforcement officials in jurisdictions nationwide report an expansion of African, Asian, Eurasian, Caribbean, and Middle Eastern gangs, according to NGIC reporting. Many communities are also experiencing increases in hybrid and non-traditional gangs.
Asian Gangs
Asian gangs, historically limited to regions with large Asian populations, are expanding throughout communities nationwide. Although often considered street gangs, Asian gangs operate similar to Asian Criminal Enterprises with a more structured organization and hierarchy. They are not turf-oriented like most African-American and Hispanic street gangs and typically maintain a low profile to avoid law enforcement scrutiny. Asian gang members are known to prey on their own race and often develop a relationship with their victims before victimizing them.5 Law enforcement officials have limited knowledge of Asian gangs and often have difficulty penetrating these gangs because of language barriers and gang distrust of non-Asians.6
Law enforcement officials in California, Georgia, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Montana, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Wisconsin report a significant increase in Asian gangs in their jurisdictions.
Asian gangs are involved in a host of criminal activities to include violent crime, drug and human trafficking, and white collar crime.
  • Asian gang members in New England and California maintain marijuana cultivation houses specifically for the manufacturing and distribution of high potency marijuana and pay members of the Asian community to reside in them, according to 2010 NDIC and open source reporting.7
Some law enforcement agencies attribute the recent increase in Asian gang membership in their jurisdictions to the recruitment of non-Asian members into the gang in order to compete more effectively with other street gangs for territory and dominance of illicit markets.
East African Gangs
Somali Gangs
Somali gang presence has increased in several cities throughout the United States. Somali gangs are most prevalent in the Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota; San Diego, California; and Seattle, Washington areas, primarily as a result of proximity to the Mexican and Canadian borders, according to ICE, NGIC, and law enforcement reporting. Somali gang activity has also been reported in other cities throughout the United States such as Nashville, Tennessee; Clarkston, Georgia; Columbus, Ohio; East Brunswick, New Jersey; and Tucson, Arizona. Unlike most traditional street gangs, Somali gangs tend to align and adopt gang names based on clan or tribe, although a few have joined national gangs such as the Crips and Bloods. 
NGIC reporting indicates that East African gangs are present in at least 30 jurisdictions, including those in California, Georgia, Minnesota, Ohio, Texas, Virginia, and Washington.
Somalian gangs are involved in drug and weapons trafficking, human trafficking, credit card fraud, prostitution, and violent crime. Homicides involving Somali victims are often the result of clan feuds between gang members. Sex trafficking of females across jurisdictional and state borders for the purpose of prostitution is also a growing trend among Somalian gangs. 
Figure 4. Somali Outlaws set in Minneapolis, MN
mali_thug_boyz-under-somali-outlawz-minneapolis-pd-copy
Source: Minneapolis Police Department
  • In November 2010, 29 suspected Somalian gang members were indicted for a prostitution trafficking operation, according to open source reporting. Over a 10 year period, Somalian gang members transported underage females from Minnesota to Ohio and Tennessee for prostitution.8
  • In February 2009, five Somali gang members were arrested for murdering drug dealers in Dexter and Athens, Ohio, during home invasion robberies, according to law enforcement reporting.9
Although some Somali gangs adopt Bloods or Crips gang monikers, they typically do not associate with other African-American gangs. Somali nationals—mostly refugees displaced by the war(s) in Somalia and surrounding countries—tend to migrate to specific low-income communities, which are often heavily controlled by local Bloods and Crips street gangs. The Somali youth may emulate the local gangs, which frequently leads to friction with other gangs, such as Bloods and Crips, as well as with Ethiopian gangs.
Sudanese Gangs
Sudanese gangs in the United States have been expanding since 2003 and have been reported in Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Tennessee. Some Sudanese gang members have weapons and tactical knowledge from their involvement in conflicts in their native country.
  • The African Pride (AP) gang is one of the most aggressive and dangerous of the Sudanese street gangs in Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, and North and South Dakota. 
Caribbean Gangs
Although largely confined to the East Coast, Caribbean gangs, such as Dominican, Haitian, and Jamaican gangs, are expanding in a number of communities throughout the United States. 
Dominican Gangs
The Trinitarios, the most rapidly-expanding Caribbean gang and the largest Dominican gang, are a violent prison gang with members operating on the street. The Trinitarios are involved in homicide, violent assaults, robbery, theft, home invasions, and street-level drug distribution. Although predominate in New York and New Jersey, the Trinitarios have expanded to communities throughout the eastern United States, including Georgia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island. Dominicans Don’t Play (DDP), the second largest Dominican gang based in Bronx, New York, are known for their violent machete attacks and drug trafficking activities in Florida, Michigan, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania.
An increase in the Dominican population in several eastern US jurisdictions has resulted in the expansion and migration of Dominican gangs such as the Trinitarios. This has led to an increase in drug trafficking, robberies, violent assaults in the Tri-state area. 
Figure 5. Trinitarios Insignia
trinitarios_picture_-atf_file_photo_www_myspace_com_14_sept_2010-a

Source: ATF
Haitian Gangs
Haitian gangs, such as the Florida-based Zoe Pound, have proliferated in many states primarily along the East Coast in recent years according to NGIC reporting. According to NGIC reporting, Haitian gangs are present in Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Texas.
  • The Zoe Pound gang, a street gang founded in Miami, Florida by Haitian immigrants in the United States, is involved in drug trafficking, robbery, and related violent crime. In February 2010, 22 suspected Zoe Pound members in Chicago, Illinois, were charged with possession of and conspiracy to traffic powder and crack cocaine from Illinois to Florida, according to FBI reporting.10
  • The Haitian Boys Posse and Custer Street Gang are involved in a myriad of criminal activities including drug and weapons trafficking, robberies, shootings and homicides along the East Coast.

Trinitario members arrested for drug and firearms violations
In August 2010, the FBI arrested three Rhode Island Trinitario members for conspiracy to distribute MDMA and firearms violations. Seventeen other Trinitario members also allegedly collected money to buy weapons, hire lawyers, and aid members (brothers) in prison.
Source: DOJ: District of Rhode Island, August 26, 2010


Jamaican Gangs
Traditional Jamaican gangs operating in the United States are generally unsophisticated and lack a significant hierarchical structure, unlike gangs in Jamaica. Many active Jamaican gangs operating in the United States maintain ties to larger criminal organizations and gangs in Jamaica, such as the Shower Posse or the Spangler Posse. Jamaican gang members in the United States engage in drug and weapons trafficking.
NGIC reporting indicates that Jamaican gangs are most active in California, Maryland, Missouri, and New Jersey.
Non-Traditional Gangs
Hybrid Gangs
The expansion of hybrid gangs—non-traditional gangs with multiple affiliations—is a continued phenomenon in many jurisdictions nationwide. Because of their multiple affiliations, ethnicities, migratory nature, and nebulous structure, hybrid gangs are difficult to track, identify, and target as they are transient and continuously evolving. Furthermore, these multi-ethnic, mixed-gender gangs pose a unique challenge to law enforcement because they are adopting national symbols and gang members often crossover from gang to gang. Hybrid gangs are of particular concern to law enforcement because members often escalate their criminal activity in order to gain attention and respect.
Hybrid gangs, which are present in at least 25 states, are fluid in size and structure, yet tend to adopt similar characteristics of larger urban gangs, including their own identifiers, rules, and recruiting methods.11 Like most street gangs, hybrid gang members commit a multitude of street and violent crime.12 Law enforcement reporting suggests that hybrid gangs have evolved from neighborhood crews that formed to expand drug trafficking, or from an absence of or loyalty to nationally recognized gangs in their region.
  • Law enforcement officials in many jurisdictions nationwide report an increase in juvenile gang membership and violent crime among hybrid and local gangs, according to 2010 NGIC reporting.
  • NGIC reporting indicates that hybrid gangs are dominating nationally recognized gangs in some jurisdictions and merging with other gangs to expand their membership.
Juggalos
The Juggalos, a loosely-organized hybrid gang, are rapidly expanding into many US communities. Although recognized as a gang in only four states, many Juggalos subsets exhibit gang-like behavior and engage in criminal activity and violence. Law enforcement officials in at least 21 states have identified criminal Juggalo sub-sets, according to NGIC reporting.d

Hybrid and Almighty Latin King Nation (ALKN) Gang Members Arrested on Drug Charges
In November 2010, hybrid gang members in Pontiac, Michigan, known the “New World Order,” were charged along with members of the ALKN for numerous drug offenses. Several guns, drugs, dozens of cell phones and $10,000 in cash were
seized by FBI, DEA and local police departments. Many of the gang members arrested were juveniles and young adults.

Source: Online article “7 Members of 2 Gangs n Pontiac Face Drug charges” MyFoxdetroit.com; November 14, 2010

  • NGIC reporting indicates that Juggalo gangs are expanding in New Mexico primarily because they are attracted to the tribal and cultural traditions of the Native Americans residing nearby.
Most crimes committed by Juggalos are sporadic, disorganized, individualistic, and often involve simple assault, personal drug use and possession, petty theft, and vandalism. However, open source reporting suggests that a small number of Juggalos are forming more organized subsets and engaging in more gang-like criminal activity, such as felony assaults, thefts, robberies, and drug sales. Social networking websites are a popular conveyance for Juggalo sub-culture to communicate and expand.
  • In January 2011, a suspected Juggalo member shot and wounded a couple in King County, Washington, according to open source reporting.13
Juggalos’ disorganization and lack of structure within their groups, coupled with their transient nature, makes it difficult to classify them and identify their members and migration patterns. Many criminal Juggalo sub-sets are comprised of transient or homeless individuals, according to law enforcement reporting. Most Juggalo criminal groups are not motivated to migrate based upon traditional needs of a gang. However, law enforcement reporting suggests that Juggalo criminal activity has increased over the past several years and has expanded to several other states. Transient, criminal Juggalo groups pose a threat to communities due to the potential for violence, drug use/sales, and their general destructive and violent nature.

Juggalos
Although law enforcement officials in Arizona, California, Pennsylvania, Utah, and Washington report the most Juggalo gang-related criminal activity, Juggalos are present in Colorado, Delaware,
Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Mexico, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, according to NGIC reporting.

  • In January 2010, two suspected Juggalo associates were charged with beating and robbing an elderly homeless man.14
Figure 6. Juggalo member
juggalette-with_possible_firearm_-atf_file_photo_www_red-alerts.com_28_sept_2010

Source: ATF


Gangs and Alien Smuggling, Human Trafficking, and Prostitution
Gang involvement in alien smuggling, human trafficking, and prostitution is increasing primarily due to their higher profitability and lower risks of detection and punishment than that of drug and weapons trafficking. Over the past year, federal, state, and local law enforcement officials in at least 35 states and US territories have reported that gangs in their jurisdictions are involved in alien smuggling, human trafficking, or prostitution.e
Alien Smuggling
Many street gangs are becoming involved in alien smuggling as a source of revenue. According to US law enforcement officials, tremendous incentive exists for gangs to diversify their criminal enterprises to include alien smuggling, which can be more lucrative and less risky than the illicit drug trade. Over the past two years numerous federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies nationwide have reported gang involvement in incidents of alien smuggling. In some instances, gang members were among those being smuggled across the border into the United States following deportation. In other cases, gang members facilitated the movement of migrants across the US-Mexico border.f

Increasing Coordination between MexicanDrug Cartels, Alien Smuggling Networks, and US-Based Gangs
Federal, state, and local law enforcement officials are observing a growing nexus between the Mexican drug cartels, illegal alien smuggling rings, and US-based gangs. The alien smuggling networks that operate along the Southwest border are unable to move human cargo through drug cartel controlled corridors without paying a fee. The typical Mexican illegal alien now pays approximately $1,200 to $2,500 for entry into the United States. The fee is considerably higher for aliens smuggled from countries other than Mexico, which may even be more alluring for the cartels. It is estimated that criminals earn billions of dollars each year by smuggling aliens through Mexico into the United States.
Source: House Committee on Homeland Security, US Congress


Figure 7. An immigrant is smuggled in a vehicle
human-smuggling-discovered-during-a-vehicle-search-near-the-border-www.fbi.gov
Source: FBI

Human Trafficking Global Statistics
  • 18,000 to 20,000 individuals are trafficked into the United States each year.
  • 12.3 million worldwide victims of forced labor, bonded labor, and prostitution.
  • 1.2 million worldwide victims are children; 1.4 million are victims of commercial sexual exploitation, of which 98% are women and girls.
  • 32% of the victims are used for forced
    economic exploitation, of which 56% are women and girls
Sources: US Dept. of State TIP Report 2010; UN GIFT Global Report on TIP Feb. 2010


The Barrio Azteca, Mexican Mafia, MS-13, 18th Street Gang, and Somali gangs have all reportedly been involved in alien smuggling, according to NGIC and law enforcement reporting.
  • In October 2009, ICE agents in Los Angeles, California, arrested suspects linked to a drug trafficking and alien smuggling ring with close ties to the Drew Street clique of the Avenues (Sureño) street gang in Los Angeles. The ring allegedly smuggled more than 200 illegal aliens per year into the United States from Mexico, concealing them in trucks and hidden compartments of vehicles and then hiding them in a store house in Los Angeles (See Figure 8).15
Human Trafficking
Human trafficking is another source of revenue for some gangs. Victims—typically women and children—are often forced, coerced, or led with fraudulent pretense into prostitution and forced labor.16 The Bloods, MS-13, Sureños, and Somali gangs have been reportedly involved in human trafficking, according to multiple law enforcement and NGIC reporting.
  • Some gangs in the New England area are combining human trafficking and drug trafficking operations, where females are used to courier drugs and participate in prostitution.
  • In November 2010, federal law enforcement officials indicted 29 members of a Somalian gang in Minneapolis for operating an interstate sex trafficking ring that sold and transported underage African-American and Somalian females from Minneapolis, Minnesota, to Columbus, Ohio, and Nashville, Tennessee, for prostitution, according to FBI and ICE reporting.17
Prostitution
Prostitution is also a major source of income for many gangs. Gang members often operate as pimps, luring or forcing at-risk, young females into prostitution and controlling them through violence and psychological abuse.g Asian gangs, Bloods, Crips, Gangster Disciples, MS-13, Sureños, Vice Lords, and members of OMGs are involved in prostitution operations, according to FBI, NGIC, and multiple law enforcement reporting. 
NGIC law enforcement partners report that gangs in their jurisdiction are involved in prostitution, some of which involves child prostitution.
  • Prostitution is reportedly the second largest source of income for San Diego, California, gangs. According to November 2010 open source reporting, African-American street gangs in San Diego are pimping young females to solicit males.18
Gangs and Criminal Organizations
Gangs & Drug Trafficking Organizations
Many US-based gangs have established strong working relationships with Central America and Mexico-based DTOs to perpetuate the smuggling of drugs across the US-Mexico and US-Canada borders. MDTOs control most of the cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana trafficked into the United States from Mexico and regularly employ lethal force to protect their drug shipments in Mexico and while crossing the US-Mexico border, according to NGIC and NDIC reporting.h
Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations
MDTOs are among the most prominent DTOs largely because of their control over the production of most drugs consumed in the United States. They are known to regularly collaborate with US-based street and prison gang members and occasionally work with select OMG and White Supremacist groups, purely for financial gain (see Appendix B). The prospect of financial gain is resulting in the suspension of traditional racial and ideological division among US prison gangs, providing MDTOs the means to further expand their influence over drug trafficking in the United States.19 NDIC reporting indicates that Hispanic and African American street gangs are expanding their influence over drug distribution in rural and suburban areas and acquire drugs directly from MDTOs in Mexico or along the Southwest border.20

Many Los Angeles-based Sinaloa cartel members use local gang members to assist in or commit kidnappings, acquire or sell drugs, and collect drug proceeds.

Source: DHS September 2010; DEA November 2010


NGIC law enforcement partners report that gangs in their jurisdiction have ties to Mexican criminal organizations, such as MDTOs.
  • Well-established US prison gangs such as the Hermanos de Pistoleros Latinos (HPL), La Eme, the Texas Syndicate, Barrio Azteca and the Tango Blast are reportedly aligned with or connected to MDTOs.
  • NDIC reporting indicates that street gangs such as the Latin Kings, MS-13, Sureños, and Norteños maintain working relationships with MDTOs.21 Sureños in California and South Carolina maintain an association with the Los Zetas Cartel in Mexico, according to 2010 NGIC reporting.
  • According to 2010 California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) and open source reporting, some Aryan Brotherhood and La Eme prison gang members—bitter rivals inside prison—work together with MDTOs to smuggle drugs into California and prisons, steal vehicles, smuggle illegal weapons into Mexico, and intimidate rivals of the Mexican cartels.22

US-Based Gangs with Ties to MDTOs
Arizona New Mexican
Mafia
Aryan Brotherhood
Avenues
Bandidos
Barrio Azteca
Barrio Westside
Black Guerilla Family
Bloods
California Mexican
Mafia (Eme)
Crips
Hardtimes 13
Happytown Pomona
Hells Angels
Hermanos de
Pistoleros Latinos
(HPL)
La Nuestra Familia
Latin Kings
Lennox 13
Mara Salvatrucha
(MS-13)
Mexican Mafia
Mongols
Norteños
Satins Disciples
Sureños
Tango Blast
Texas Mexican Mafia
(Mexikanemi)
Texas Syndicate
Tri-City Bombers
Vagos
Vatos Locos
Westside Nogalitas
Wetback Power
Wonder Boys
18th Street Gang



Figure 8. Mexican Drug Cartels
5-17-10_mexican-drug-cartels-map
Source: Stratfor Global Intelligence
MDTOs contract with street and prison gangs along the Southwest border to enforce and secure smuggling operations in Mexico and the United States, particularly in California and Texas border communities.23 Gang members who are US citizens are valuable to MDTOs, as they can generally cross the US-Mexico border with less law enforcement scrutiny and are therefore less likely to have illicit drug loads interdicted.24 MDTOs use street and prison gang members in Mexico, Texas, and California to protect smuggling routes, collect debts, transport illicit goods, including drugs and weapons, and execute rival traffickers.25 Many of these crimes are committed in exchange for money and drugs, and as a result, street and prison gangs in the United States have gained greater control over drug distribution in rural and suburban areas. Gang members, including Barrio Azteca, MS-13 and Sureños have been intercepted driving with weapons and currency toward Mexico from such states as California, Colorado, Georgia, and Texas according to open source reporting.

Major Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations
Arellano Felix
Beltran Leyva
Vicente Carrillo-
Fuentes
Gulf Cartel
Los Zetas
Sinaloa
La Familia
Michoacana


Gangs’ increased collaboration with MDTOs has altered the dynamics of the drug trade at the wholesale level. US gangs, which traditionally served as the primary organized retail or mid-level distributor of drugs in most major US cities, are now purchasing drugs directly from the cartels, thereby eliminating the mid-level wholesale dealer. Furthermore, advanced technology, such as wireless Internet and Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) capabilities, has made the recruitment, collaboration, and coordination of criminal activity more efficient and lucrative, and allows direct contact between the gangs and DTOs.26 To increase their control over drug trafficking in smaller markets, street gangs have acquired large wholesale quantities of drugs at lower prices directly from DTOs in Mexico and along the US Southwest border.27
  • Recent intelligence indicates that the MDTO La Familia Michoacana has established US-based command-and-control groups which report to leaders in Mexico who manage street-level distribution in US cities.28
Gangs and Organized Criminal Groups
January 2010 FBI reporting indicates that some OMGs and street gangs are closely collaborating with African, Asian, Eurasian, and Italian organized criminal groups to facilitate street-level crimes such as extortion, enforcement, debt collection, and money laundering.
  • In May 2010, New Jersey authorities indicted 34 members of the Lucchese crime family on racketeering, weapons offenses, bribery, money laundering, and conspiracy charges. The investigation revealed that members of the Lucchese family in New Jersey were working with the Nine Trey Gangster Bloods to smuggle drugs and cell phones into the East Jersey State Prison for fellow inmates, according to open source reporting.29
NGIC reporting indicates that some gangs are suspected of associating with African, Asian, and Eurasian criminal groups in California and Washington.i
  • Law enforcement officials in Washington suspect that some Asian gangs, including the Oriental Boyz and the Tiny Rascal Gangsters, are involved with Asian organized crime and marijuana cultivating groups.
  • In February 2011, authorities in southern California charged 99 Armenian Power gang members with kidnapping, extortion, bank fraud, and drug trafficking. Armenian Power members reportedly have ties to high-level crime figures in Armenia, Russia, and Georgia.30

Chart 3. Gang Associations with Criminal Organizations.
The NGIC collected intelligence from law enforcement officials nationwide in an effort to identify associations between gangs and criminal organizations. The following figures represent the percentage of law enforcement who report that gangs in their jurisdiction have ties to various criminal organizations.
gang-associations
Gangs and Corrections Issues
Prison gang-related crime and violence in the nation’s corrections system poses a significant threat to facility employees and a growing threat in many communities. Once incarcerated, most street gang members join an established prison gang to ensure their protection. Based on data provided by federal and state correctional agencies, the NGIC estimates that there are approximately 231,136 gang members incarcerated in federal and state prisons nationwide. Their large numbers and dominant presence allows prison gangs to employ bribery, intimidation, and violence to exert influence and control over many correctional facilities. Violent disputes over control of drug territory and enforcement of drug debts frequently occur among incarcerated gang members.
Figure 9. A US prison yard
prison-yard
Prison/Street Gang Connections
Many incarcerated gang members continue to engage in gang activities following incarceration and use their connections inside prison to commit crime in the community. Prison gang members influence and control gang activity on the street, and exploit street gangs for money and other resources.
Figure 10. Incarcerated MS-13 Members
ms13-in-prison
Law enforcement officials report associations between street gang members and incarcerated gang members in their area.
  • MS-13 members send funds not only to gang members on the street and in prison, but also to gang members in El Salvador, according to NGIC reporting.
Prison/Family Connection
A gang member’s incarceration often prompts his or her family to move closer to the correctional facility where the gang member is being housed. In some cases, family members assist or facilitate gang criminal activity and recruiting.
Family members of gangs operate as outside facilitators, serving as messengers, drug couriers, or in any capacity benefiting the gang. Outside facilitators are provided instructions by the incarcerated gang member, often during a social or legal visit, and in turn pass this information to gang members on the streets. Family members have also been used to assist prison escapes and smuggle contraband into correctional facilities, allowing incarcerated gang members to continue their operations inside prison.

Gangs in Contact with Incarcerated
Gang Members
18th Street
415 Kumi
Arizona New Mexican
Mafia
Aryan Brotherhood
Aryan Brotherhood of
Texas
Aryan Circle
Bandidos
Barrio Azteca
Black Guerilla Family
Black Gangster
Disciples
Black P-Stone Nation
Bloods
California Mexican
Mafia
Colorado Aryan
Brotherhood
Crips
Dead Man Inc.
Dirty White Boys
Gangster Disciples
(GD)
Grupo 25 (G-25)
Grupo 27 (G-27)
Hells Angels (MC)
Hermanos de
Pistoleros Latinos
(HPL)
La Nuestra Familia
Latin Kings
Los Carnales
MS-13
Nazi Low Riders
Ñetas
Norteños
Northern Riders
Northern Structure
Outlaws
Paisas
Raza Unida
Simon City Royals
Skinheads
Sureños
Syndicato De Nuevo
Mexico
Texas Chicano
Brotherhood
Texas Mexican Mafia
(Mexikanemi-EMI)
Texas Syndicate
United Blood Nation
Valluco Tango Blast
Vice Lords
West Texas Tangos


Communication
Incarcerated gang members often rely on family, friends, corrupt lawyers and corrections personnel to transmit their messages to gang members on the street. Incarcerated gang members exploit attorney-client privileges, which include unmonitored visiting and legal mail, to pass coded or concealed communications.j
Contraband Cell Phones
Smuggled cell phones are a continuing problem for prison administrators in correctional facilities throughout the country. Smuggled cell phones and Smart Phones afford incarcerated gang members more influence and control over street gangs through unrestricted access and unmonitored conversations via voice calling, Internet access, text messaging, email, and social networking websites. Instances of violence directed by inmates using mobile devices are also a growing concern for corrections officials. Incarcerated gang members communicate covertly with illegal cell phones to plan or direct criminal activities such as drug distribution, assault, and murder.
Cell phones smuggled into correctional facilities pose the greatest threat to institution safety, according to NGIC and BOP reporting.
  • In 2010 a New Jersey inmate was prosecuted for using a contraband cell phone to order the murder of his former girlfriend in retaliation for her cooperation with police regarding an investigation involving the inmate.31

Illegal Cell Phones in California Prisons
The majority of illegal cell phones in California prisons are smuggled in by visitors or correctional staff. Many cell phones have also been discovered
in legal mail and quarterly packages. In 2010, more than 10,000 illegal cell phones were confiscated from prisoners in California.

Historically, correctional staff who have been caught smuggling phones have been successfully prosecuted only when the phone was connected to a more serious charge such as drug distribution,
and district attorney offices rarely prosecute unless a more serious offense is involved. In March 2011, legislation was approved in the California State Senate to criminalize the use of cell phones in prison, including penalties for both smugglers and inmates.

Sources: US Bureau of Prisons and CDCR; California State Senate Press Release, 22 March 2011

  • In March 2010, an off-duty captain in the South Carolina Department of Corrections was shot in his home by an armed intruder. Although the captain survived, the assault had been ordered by a South Carolina inmate using a smuggled cell phone.32
Leadership
Gang members who have been incarcerated are often more respected on the streets by younger gang members, which makes it easier to establish or re-establish themselves in leadership positions and order younger gang members to commit crimes.k These gang leaders also use connections made in prison to establish contacts and criminal networks in the community, which allows them to more successfully control gang operations. Also, in the wake of leadership disorganization at the street level due to indictments and arrests, a released gang member may find it easy to use his influence and status as an ‘original gangster’ (OG) or Veterano to assume control of the gang.
Law enforcement officials report that released prison gang members in some jurisdictions are establishing or re-establishing leadership roles or active roles in local gangs.
Prison Radicalization
Gang members’ vulnerability to radicalization and recruitment for involvement in international or domestic terrorism organizations is a growing concern to law enforcement. Gang members’ perceptions of disenfranchisement from or rejection of mainstream society and resentment towards authority makes them more susceptible to joining such groups and can be attractive and easy targets for radicalization by extremist groups.
NGIC reporting indicates that incarcerated gang members in some jurisdictions are adopting radical religious views in prison.
Prison gangs that tend to be dedicated to political or social issues are often more susceptible to influence by extremist ideologies. In some instances, prison gang members may even emulate various terrorist movements by embracing their symbolism and ideology to enhance the gang’s own militant image within the prison setting.
Prison and street gang members are also susceptible on an individual basis to radicalization. Various correctional agencies have reported individual members of the Black Peace Stones, Crips, Latin Kings, and Insane Latin Disciples embracing radical ideologies.
Gang Infiltration of Corrections, Law Enforcement, and Government
Gang infiltration of law enforcement, government, and correctional agencies poses a significant security threat due to the access criminals have to sensitive information pertaining to investigations or protected persons. Gang members serving in law enforcement agencies and correctional facilities may compromise security and criminal investigations and operations, while acquiring knowledge and training in police tactics and weapons. Corrupt law enforcement officers and correctional staff have assisted gang members in committing crimes and have impeded investigations.
NGIC reporting indicates that gang members in at least 57 jurisdictions, including California, Florida, Tennessee, and Virginia, have applied for or gained employment within judicial, police, or correctional agencies.
  • A Crip gang member applied for a law enforcement position in Oklahoma.
  • OMGs engage in routine and systematic exploitation and infiltration of law enforcement and government infrastructures to protect and perpetrate their criminal activities. OMGs regularly solicit information of intelligence value from government or law enforcement employees.
NGIC reporting indicates that gang members in at least 72 jurisdictions have compromised or corrupted judicial, law enforcement, or correctional staff within the past three years.
  • In November 2010, a parole worker in New York was suspended for relaying confidential information to a Bloods gang member in Albany, according to open source reporting.33
  • In July 2010, a Riverside County, California detention center sheriff deputy was convicted of assisting her incarcerated Eme boyfriend with murdering two witnesses in her boyfriend’s case.34
  • In April 2010, a former Berwyn, Illinois police officer pleaded guilty to charges of conspiracy to commit racketeering and to obstruct justice for his part in assisting an OMG member in targeting and burglarizing rival businesses.35
Gangs and Indian Country
Native American gang presence has increased on Indian Reservations and in federal and state prison systems throughout the United States over the past few years, according to Bureau of Justice Statistics reporting.36,l Native American gang members, operating on numerous reservations throughout the United States, are emulating Hispanic gangs such as the Barrio Aztecas, Norteños, and Sureños; African American gangs such as the Bloods and Crips; and predominately Caucasian gangs such as the Juggalos. Some gangs, such as the Native Mob and Native Pride—which primarily operates in North Dakota, Minnesota, South Dakota, and Wisconsin—formed in the prison system and then expanded to reservations, according to NGIC reporting. Although most gangs in Indian Country are disorganized, lack significant structure and ties to national-level gangs, and are incapable of attaining control over large geographic areas or populations, some are involved in serious crimes and violent activities and utilize Indian Reservations to facilitate and expand their drug operations.

Indian Country and the US Border
The shared international border and geography of some Indian Reservations make it conducive to cross-border drug trafficking activity while also inhibiting interdiction efforts. Increased security at US/Mexican borders has resulted in the discovery of illicit marijuana farms from
California to South Dakota, primarily operated by Mexican gangs. Tighter border security makes it difficult for MDTOs to smuggle marijuana north thus raising the price of marijuana in the United States higher than in Mexico. Marijuana (stems and leaves) grown in Mexico costs $500 to $700 per pound, whereas a pound of marijuana grown in Washington State can cost $2,500 to $6,000 when sold on the East Coast.

Online News Article; The Wall Street Journal; “Mexican Pot Gangs Infiltrate Indian Reservations in US;” 5 November 2009; available at http://online.wsj.com/article/SB125736987377028727.html.


The growth of gangs on Indian Reservations is heavily influenced by the urban gang culture and media attention. Gang members on Indian Reservations often emulate national-level gangs and adopt names and identifiers from nationally recognized urban gangs. However, emulation is most often limited to identifiers—colors, signs, symbols, names—and leadership structure is often loosely organized or absent. NGIC reporting indicates that national-level gangs such as the Barrio Azteca, Bloods, Crips, Mexican Mafia, and Norteños are operating on a number of Indian Reservations. Native American gang members on reservations are also involved in gang-related activity with gang members in communities outside of reservations.
NGIC reporting indicates that urban gangs such as the Norteños and Sureños associate and/or influence the gang culture on several Indian Reservations.
In some jurisdictions, Native American gang members are associated with or involved in gang-related criminal activity with gang members off the reservation, including drug distribution, money laundering, assaults, and intimidation. Partnerships are often established for financial gain, drug distribution, and to evade law enforcement.
Figure 12. Graffiti on Ft. Apache-San Carlos Indian Reservation
indian-country-threat-assessment-032-ft-apache-san-carlos
Source: FBI
  • The Warm Springs Indian Reservation in Oregon is becoming an ideal location for illicit marijuana farms because of its fertile grounds and isolated location. Within the past few years authorities have seized at least 12,000 harvested adult marijuana plants with an estimated street value of $10 million.37
Geography, as well as the extent of law enforcement monitoring of the reservations, make some Indian Reservations conducive to cross-border drug trafficking.
  • As much as 20 percent of all high-potency marijuana produced in Canada each year is smuggled through the St. Regis Mohawk Reservation in New York, according to NDIC reporting.
  • Marijuana produced in Mexico is transported by MDTOs through the Tohono O’odham Reservation in Arizona largely due to the 75 miles of lightly patrolled border with Mexico, according to NDIC reporting.
Gangs and the Military
Gang recruitment of active duty military personnel constitutes a significant criminal threat to the US military. Members of nearly every major street gang, as well as some prison gangs and OMGs, have been reported on both domestic and international military installations, according to NGIC analysis and multiple law enforcement reporting. Through transfers and deployments, military-affiliated gang members expand their culture and operations to new regions nationwide and worldwide, undermining security and law enforcement efforts to combat crime. Gang members with military training pose a unique threat to law enforcement personnel because of their distinctive weapons and combat training skills and their ability to transfer these skills to fellow gang members.
NGIC reporting indicates that law enforcement officials in at least 100 jurisdictions have come into contact with, detained, or arrested an active duty or former military gang member within the past three years.
  • Gang members have been reported in every branch of the US militarym, although a large proportion of these gang members and dependent gang members of military personnel are affiliated with the US Army, Army Reserves, and National Guard branches.
Figure 13. ‘Support your local Hells Angels’ graffiti on military vehicle in Iraq
support81iraq
Source: FBI
Figure 14. A soldier in a combat zone throwing gang signs
brianrodriguez_in_baghdad
Source: FBI
Many street gang members join the military to escape the gang lifestyle or as an alternative to incarceration, but often revert back to their gang associations once they encounter other gang members in the military. Other gangs target the US military and defense systems to expand their territory, facilitate criminal activity such as weapons and drug trafficking, or to receive weapons and combat training that they may transfer back to their gang. Incidents of weapons theft and trafficking may have a negative impact on public safety or pose a threat to law enforcement officials.
As of April 2011, the NGIC has identified members of at least 53 gangs whose members have served in or are affiliated with US military. Among the identified gangs with military-trained members are street gangs such as the Asian Boyz, Bloods, Crips, Gangster Disciples, Latin Kings, MS-13, Sureños, Tiny Rascal Gangsters, and the Juggalos; the Aryan Brotherhood, Barrio Azteca, and Texas Syndicate prison gangs; and OMGs including the Bandidos, Hells Angels, Mongols, Outlaws, and Vagos. Some gangs, particularly OMGs, actively recruit members with military training or advise members without criminal records to join the military for necessary weapons and combat training.
  • Younger gang members without criminal records are attempting to join the military, as well as concealing tattoos and gang affiliation during the recruitment process, according to NGIC reporting.
Deployments have resulted in integrating gang members with service members and/or dependents on or near overseas military installations, including those in Afghanistan, Germany, Iraq, Italy, Japan, and South Korea. US military officials have reported a rise in gang graffiti both on and off post in Afghanistan and Iraq (see Figure 14).
Table 3. Gangs with Members Who have Served in the US Military

Gang Name
Type
Military Branch(s)
18th Street Gang
Street
Army, Marines, Navy
Aryan Brotherhood
Prison
Army, Marines, Navy
Asian Boyz
Street
Army
Asian Crips
Street
Army
Avenues Gang
Street
Marines
Bandidos
OMG
Army, Marines
Barrio Azteca
Prison
Marines
Black Disciples
Street
Army, Marines, Navy
Black Guerilla Family*
Prison
Army
Bloods
Street
Army, Army Reserves, Coast Guard, Marines, Navy
Brotherhood
OMG
Marines
Crips
Street
Army, Air Force, Marines, Navy
Devils Disciples
OMG
Unknown
East Side Longos
Street
Army, Special Forces
Florencia 13
Street
Army, Marines
Fresno Bulldogs
Street
National Guard, Marines
Gangster Disciples
Street
Army, Marines, Navy, National Guard
Georgia Boys (Folk Nation)
Street
Army
Haitian Mob
Street
Army
Hells Angels
OMG
All branches
Iron Horsemen
OMG
Army
Juggalos/ICP
Street
Army, Air Force
Korean Dragon Family
Street
Marines
Latin Kings
Street
Army, Army Reserves, Marines, Navy
Legion of Doom
OMG
Air Force
Life is War
Street
Army
Los Zetas
Street
Army
Maniac Latin Disciples
Street
Marines
Mexican Posse 13
Street
Army
Military Misfits
OMG
Marines, Navy
Molochs
OMG
Marines
Mongols
OMG
Marines, Navy
Moorish Nation
Separatist
Army
MS-13
Street
Army, Marines, Navy
Norteños
Street
Army, Marines, National Guard, Navy
Outlaws
OMG
All branches
Peckerwoods
Street
Marines, Navy, National Guard, Reserves
Red Devils
OMG
Army/ Coast Guard
Simon City Royals
Street
Navy
Sons of Hell
OMG
Marines
Sons of Samoa
Street
Army
Southside Locos
Street
Army
Sureños
Street
Army, Marines, Navy
Tango Blast
Prison
Army*
Texas Syndicate
Prison
Army, Marines
Tiny Rascal Gangsters
Street
Army
United Blood Nation
Street
Army
Vagos
OMG
Army, Marines, Navy
Vatos Locos
Street
Army
Vice Lords
Street
Army
Wah Ching Gang
Street
Army
Warlocks
OMG
Air Force, Marines


* Only gang graffiti was identified
Gangs and the US Border
Figure 15. The Southwest Border Region
swb-map
Source: America.gov
The Southwest Border
The US Southwest Border regionn represents a continuing criminal threat to the United States. The rugged, rural, and porous area along the nearly 2,000 miles of contiguous US-Mexican territory invites widespread criminal activity, including drug and arms trafficking, alien smuggling, human trafficking, extortion, kidnapping, and public corruption. US-based gangs, MDTOs, and other criminal enterprises in both the United States and Mexico are readily exploiting this fluid region and incur enormous profit by establishing wide-reaching drug networks; assisting in the smuggling drugs, arms, and illegal immigrants; and serving as enforcers for MDTO interests on the US side of the border.  
Violence in Mexico—particularly in its northern border states—has escalated with over 34,000 murders committed in Mexico over the past four years.38 While intensified scrutiny from Mexican law enforcement has forced significant disruptions in several dangerous MDTOs, such disruptions have also served to disrupt the balance of power among these organizations. This has prompted drug cartel rivalries to employ more aggressive tactics as they attempt to assert control over the Southwest border region and its highly lucrative drug trafficking corridors.39 Although the majority of the violence from feuding drug cartels occurs in Mexico,o Mexican drug cartel activity has fueled crime in the porous US Southwest Border region, where easy access to weapons, a high demand for drugs, ample opportunity for law enforcement corruption, and a large Hispanic population ripe for recruitment and exploitation exists.40
Hispanic prison gangs along the Southwest border region are strengthening their ties with MDTOs to acquire wholesale quantities of drugs, according to NDIC reporting.41 In exchange for a consistent drug supply, US-based gangs smuggle and distribute drugs, collect drug proceeds, launder money, smuggle weapons, commit kidnappings, and serve as lookouts and enforcers on behalf of the MDTOs. MDTOs subsequently profit from increased drug circulation in the United States, while US-based gangs have access to a consistent drug supply which expands their influence, power, and ability to recruit.42
According to NDIC reporting, more than 45 percent of law enforcement agencies in the Southwestern United States report that gangs in their jurisdiction are moderately to highly involved in drug activity, while 30 percent indicate that street gang involvement in drug activity increased within the past year.
Gang-related activity and violence has increased along the Southwest border region, as US-based gangs seek to prove their worth to the drug cartels, compete with other gangs for favor, and act as US-based enforcers for cartels which involves home invasions, robbery, kidnapping, and murder.
  • In July 2010, Mexican authorities arrested two members of the Barrio Azteca for the murders of a US Consulate employee and her husband in Juarez, Mexico. The gang, who allegedly committed the murders on behalf of the Juarez Cartel, has also made several threats against law enforcement officials.43,p
Arrangements between gangs operating along the Southwest border and MDTOs are the result of physical proximity and strong familial ties that many US-based Hispanic gang members retain with family and friends in Mexico.
Northern Border
Gangs pose a growing problem for law enforcement along the US-Canada border, particularly the border areas in the New England and Pacific Regions. Gangs smuggle drugs, cigarettes, firearms, and immigrants across the US-Canada borders, according to NDIC reporting.44 Members of several regional- and national-level gangs, including Asian Boyz, Hells Angels, and Outlaws, smuggle large quantities of illicit drugs across the US-Canada border in New England, often conducting their smuggling operations in association with members of transnational criminal and drug trafficking organizations. According to law enforcement officials in the Pacific Region, members of several gangs, including the Hells Angels and Asian gangs, engage in cross-border criminal activity in their jurisdictions. 

Los Zetas Drug Trafficking Organization
Los Zetas organization was established in the late 1990s as the enforcement arm of the Gulf Cartel drug trafficking organization to protect and expand the Gulf Cartel’s operations. Consisting of highly trained soldiers who defected from the Mexican Special Air Mobile Force Group (GAFE), the Zetas have evolved from a wing of the Gulf Cartel into their own drug trafficking organization.

  • Hells Angels members have reportedly smuggled MDMA (Ecstasy) from British Columbia, Canada into Bellingham, Washington, according to 2010 open source reporting.
  • Asian DTOs smuggle large quantities of MDMA through and between ports of entry along the US-Canada border, according to 2010 NDIC reporting.45
Figure 16. Los Zetas Commando Medallion
zeta-commando-medallion-atf
Source: ATF
Canadian DTOs smuggle significant amounts of cash generated from the US distribution of Canada-produced drugs into Canada, according to NDIC reporting. The Akwesasne Territory, which straddles the US–Canada border, is one of the most prominent smuggling corridors for Canada-bound bulk cash. The topography of the US-Canada border is conducive to bulk cash smuggling because currency interdiction by law enforcement officials is often hampered by the border’s length and rugged terrain.46
Gangs, Technology, and Communication
Gangs are becoming increasingly savvy and are embracing new and advanced technology to facilitate criminal activity and enhance their criminal operations. Prepaid cell phones, social networking and microblogging websites, VoIP systems, virtual worlds, and gaming systems enable gang members to communicate globally and discreetly. Gangs are also increasingly employing advanced countermeasures to monitor and target law enforcement while engaging in a host of criminal activity.

technology
Internet Use for Propaganda, Intimidation, and Recruitment
According to open sources and law enforcement reporting, since 2005, MDTOs have exploited blogs and popular websites like YouTube and MySpace for propaganda and intimidation. MDTOs have posted hundreds of videos depicting interrogations or executions of rival MDTO members. Other postings include video montages of luxury vehicles, weapons, and money set to the music of songs with lyrics that glorify the drug lifestyle. While some of these postings may offer specific recruitment information, they serve more as tools for propaganda and intimidation.


Gang members routinely utilize the Internet to communicate with one another, recruit, promote their gang, intimidate rivals and police, conduct gang business, showcase illegal exploits, and facilitate criminal activity such as drug trafficking, extortion, identity theft, money laundering, and prostitution. Social networking, microblogging, and video-sharing websites—such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter—are now more accessible, versatile, and allow tens of thousands of gang members to easily communicate, recruit, and form new gang alliances nationwide and worldwide.q
NGIC reporting indicates that a majority of gang members use the Internet for recruitment, gang promotion, and cyber-bullying or intimidation. Many also use the Internet for identity theft, computer hacking, and phishing schemes.
  • According to NGIC reporting, gang recruitment and intimidation is heavily facilitated through the Internet. Gangs use social networking sites such as Facebook to promote their gang, post photos of their gang lifestyle, and display their bravado, which ultimately influences other youth to join gangs.
  • NGIC law enforcement partners report that gangs in their jurisdiction are frequently using the Internet to recruit and communicate with gang members throughout the region, nationwide, and in Central and South America. Law enforcement officials in Texas report that incarcerated gang members use Facebook and MySpace to recruit.
  • Police in Missouri report a rise in “promotion teams”—often consisting of gang members—using Internet chat rooms to promote clubs and parties for a fee, according to NGIC reporting.
The proliferation of social networking websites has made gang activity more prevalent and lethalmoving gangs from the streets into cyber space. Gang members, criminals, and drug traffickers are using the Internet not only to recruit and build their social networks, but to expand and operate their criminal networks without the proximity once needed for communication. Likewise, youth in other regions and countries are influenced by what they see online and may be encouraged to connect with or emulate a gang, facilitating the global spread of gang culture.
  • Gang members in Missouri and Nebraska are increasingly using social media to recruit and communicate with other gang members, according to NGIC reporting.

second-life
Second Life Virtual World
Second Life is a computer-based virtual world with a simulated environment where users inhabit and interact via avatars, or graphical representations. The virtual world may depict a real world or a fantasy world. Users communicate through text-chat and real-time voice-based chat. Second Life provides versatility and anonymity and allows for covert communications. Because of its anonymity and versatility, gang members could potentially use Second Life to recruit, spread propaganda, commit other crimes such as drug trafficking, and receive training for real-world criminal operations.
Source: Information available at www.secondlife.com


According to information obtained from multiple state and federal law enforcement sources, incarcerated gang members are accessing micro-blogging and social networking web sites such as MocoSpace and Twitter with smuggled prepaid cellular telephones and using the messaging features to coordinate criminal activity.
Street gang members are also involved in cyber attacks, computer hacking, and phishing operations, often to commit identity theft and fraud. 
Gangs and Weapons
Gang members are acquiring high-powered, military-style weapons and equipment, resulting in potentially lethal encounters with law enforcement officers, rival gang members, and innocent bystanders. Law enforcement officials in several regions nationwide report gang members in their jurisdiction are armed with military-style weapons, such as high-caliber semiautomatic rifles, semiautomatic variants of AK-47 assault rifles, grenades, and body armor.
Figure 17. Weapons recovered from Barrio Azteca Members in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico
weapons-1
weapons-2
Source: ATF
Law enforcement officials in 34 jurisdictions report that the majority of gang-related crime is committed with firearms.
Gang members acquire firearms through a variety of means, including illegal purchases; straw purchases through surrogates or middle-men; thefts from individuals, vehicles, residences and commercial establishments; theft from law enforcement and military officials, from gang members with connections to military sources of supply, and from other gangs, according to multiple law enforcement and NGIC reporting.
Gang members are becoming more sophisticated and methodical in their methods of acquiring and purchasing firearms. Gang members often acquire their firearms through theft or through a middleman, often making a weapons trace more difficult.
Enlisted military personnel are also being utilized by gang members as a ready source for weapons. 
  • In November 2010, three former US Marines were arrested in Los Angeles, California, for selling illegal assault weapons to Florencia 13 gang members, according to open souce reporting.47
  • In November 2010, a US Navy Seal from San Diego and two others were arrested in Colorado for smuggling at least 18 military issued machine guns and 14 other firearms from Iraq and Afghanistan into the United States for sale and shipment to Mexico, according to open source reporting.48
Gang members are employing countermeasures to monitor, intercept, and target law enforcement, sometimes with elaborate weapons and devices.
  • In February 2010, a Riverside County gang task force officer in California was nearly killed when suspected members of a White Supremacist gang rigged a zip gun on a gang task force security fence to discharge if anyone entered their property (see Figure 20). In December 2009, the same group staged a natural gas explosion at their property intended for law enforcement entering the premises.49
Figure 18. Zip gun attached to the fence of a Gang Task Force in Hemet, CA
zip gun attached to fence
Source: ATF
Gangs and White Collar Crime
NGIC reporting indicates that gangs are becoming more involved in white collar crime, including identity theft, bank fraud, credit card fraud, money laundering, fencing stolen goods, counterfeiting, and mortgage fraud, and are recruiting members who possess those skill sets. Law enforcement officials nationwide indicate that many gangs in their jurisdiction are involved in some type of white collar crime.

Gang Members Targeting Law Enforcement Vehicles for Weapons
In 2009, suspected gang members in Broward County and West Palm Beach, Florida burglarized nearly a dozen marked and unmarked law enforcement vehicles stealing firearms, ballistic vests, and police identification.
Source: FBI-NGIC, “Gangs Targeting Law Enforcement for Weapons and Equipment Theft; Intelligence Bulletin; 21 December 2009

  • NGIC reporting indicates that the Bloods, Crips, Gangster Disciples, Vice Lords, Latin Kings, Mexican Mafia, Sureños, Norteños, La Nuestra Familia, Texas Syndicate, Aryan Brotherhood, various OMG and Asian gangs, and neighborhood-based gangs are engaging in white collar crime.
Many gang members are engaging in counterfeiting because of its low risks and high financial rewards. 
  • In July 2010, a Florencia 13 gang member in Los Angeles was arrested for operating a lab from his home that manufactured pirated video games.50
  • In April 2010, a member of the East Coast Crips was arrested in Los Angeles, California, for the sale of counterfeit goods and drug trafficking at a clothing store he co-owned. Police confiscated 824 counterfeit items from the store worth $43,762.51
Gang members are laundering profits from criminal activities such as drug trafficking and prostitution, through front companies such music businesses, beauty shops, auto repair shops, law firms, and medical offices. 
  • Members of the Black Guerilla Family in Maryland used pre-paid retail debit cards as virtual currency inside Maryland prisons to purchase drugs and further the gangs’ interests, according to August 2010 open source reporting.52
Some gangs, such as the Bloods and Gangster Disciples, are committing sophisticated mortgage fraud schemes by purchasing properties with the intent to receive seller assistance loans and, ultimately retain the proceeds from the loans, or to comingle illicit funds through mortgage payments. Gang members are also exploiting vulnerabilities in the banking and mortgage industries for profit.
  • According to open source reporting, in April 2009, members of the Bloods in San Diego, California were charged with racketeering and mortgage fraud.53
Law Enforcement Actions and Resources
Gang units and task forces are a vital component in targeting gangs and have played a substantial role in mitigating gang activity in a number of US communities. The majority of NGIC law enforcement partners report that their agency has or participates in a gang task force, and most utilize a gang database to track and monitor gang members in their jurisdictions. There are 168 FBI Violent Gang Task Forces in the United States, Puerto Rico, and the US Virgin Islands. In addition, ATF operates 31 Violent Crime Impact Teams (VCIT) and ICE operates eight Operation Community Shield (OCS) Initiatives nationwide (see Appendix C). The collaboration and coordination of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies has resulted in a number of successes involving gang suppression efforts.
NGIC law enforcement partners in at least 107 jurisdictions report that law enforcement action has resulted in a decrease of gangs or gang activity in their region.
  • In March 2011, officials from DHS, CBP, ICE, ATF, and local San Diego police were involved in the arrest of over 67 gang members and associates for drugs and cross-border crimes in the San Diego, California area. Operation Allied Shield III, a part of a San Diego County initiative to focus on prevention, detection, and suppression of crimes in areas impacted by border-related crime, aimed to seize drugs and weapons and to identify and observe gang members in a proactive way.54
  • In March 2011, 35 leaders, members, and associates of the Barrio Azteca gang in Texas were charged in a federal indictment for various counts of racketeering, murder, drug offenses, money laundering, and obstruction of justice. Ten subjects were charged with the March 2010 murders of a US Consulate employee, her husband, and the husband of another consulate employee, in Juarez, Mexico.55
  • In February 2011, FBI, ATF, ICE, and DHS, and numerous state and local officials charged 41 gang members and associates from several different gangs in five districts with multiple offenses, including racketeering conspiracy, murder, drug and gun trafficking. The indictment involved members from the Click Clack gang in Kansas City, Missouri; the Colonias Chiques gang in Los Angeles; the Sureno 13 and San Chucos gangs in Las Vegas; MS-13 in Washington; and 13 Tri-City Bomber members and associates in the McAllen, Texas area.56
Outlook
Street, prison, and motorcycle gang membership and criminal activity continues to flourish in US communities where gangs identify opportunities to control street level drug sales, and other profitable crimes. Gangs will not only continue to defend their territory from rival gangs, but will also increasingly seek to diversify both their membership and their criminal activities in recognition of potential financial gain. New alliances between rival gangs will likely form as gangs suspend their former racial ideologies in pursuit of mutual profit. Gangs will continue to evolve and adapt to current conditions and law enforcement tactics, diversify their criminal activity, and employ new strategies and technology to enhance their criminal operations, while facilitating lower-risk and more profitable schemes, such as white collar crime.
The expansion of communication networks, especially in wireless communications and the Internet, will allow gang members to form associations and alliances with other gangs and criminal organizations—both domestically and internationally—and enable gang members to better facilitate criminal activity and enhance their criminal operations discreetly without the physical interfacing once necessary to conduct these activities.
Changes in immigrant populations, which are susceptible to victimization and recruitment by gangs, may have the most profound effect on street gang membership. Continued drug trafficking-related violence along the US Southwest border could trigger increased migration of Mexicans and Central Americans into the United States and, as such, provide a greater pool of victims, recruits, and criminal opportunities for street gangs as they seek to profit from the illegal drug trade, alien smuggling, and weapons trafficking. Likewise, increased gang recruitment of youths among the immigrant population may result in an increase in gang membership and gang-related violence in a number of regions.
Street gang activity and violence may also increase as more dangerous gang members are released early from prison and re-establish their roles armed with new knowledge and improved techniques. Prison gang members, already an ideal target audience for radicalization, may expand their associations with foreign gang members or radical criminal organizations, both inside correctional institutions and in the community upon their release.
Gang members armed with high-powered weapons and knowledge and expertise acquired from employment in law enforcement, corrections, or the military may pose an increasing nationwide threat, as they employ these tactics and weapons against law enforcement officials, rival gang members, and civilians.
Globalization, socio-political change, technological advances, and immigration will result either in greater gang expansion and gang-related crime or displace gang members as they search for criminal opportunities elsewhere. Stagnant or poor economic conditions in the United States, including budget cuts in law enforcement, may undercut gang dismantlement efforts and encourage gang expansion as police agencies redirect their resources and disband gang units and taskforces, as reported by a large number of law enforcement agencies.
Maps. Gang Presence in the United States
Map 1. US Nationwide Gang Presence
ngic-ndic_usgangpresence06_11map
Map 2. West Region
ngic-ndicgangpresence_west_6-11map
Map 3. South Central Region
ngic-ndicgangpresence_scentral_2011_6-11map
Map 4. North Central Region
ndic-ngicgangpresence_ncentral06-11map
Map 5. Southeast Region
ndic-ngicgangpresence_southeast_6-11
Map 6. Northeast Region
ndic-ngicgangpresence_northeast_6-11map
Map 7. FBI Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Violent Crime, 2009
fbi-ucr-vc_by_county_2009

APPENDIX A. Gangs by State
ALABAMA
31st Street Mob
33rd Street Posse
400 Block
4th Ward Bloods
Alberta City Boys
Alpha Tau Omega
Aryan Brotherhood
Avenue Piru Gangsters Bandaleros
Bandidos MC
Bay Boys
Black Cherry 8 Balls
Black Gangster Disciples
Black Mafia Family
Black Pistons MC
Bloods Boom Squad
Brown Pride
Central Park Bloods
Central Park Boys
Collegeville Posse
Corner Boys Crips
Devils Disciples MC
Eastside Bloods
Ensley Town Killers
Evergreen Bottom Boys
Gad Town Klowns
Gangsta G’s
Gangster Disciples
Ghettie Boyz
Give No Fucks
Green Acres Crips
Hazel Green Boys
Hells Lovers MC
Imperial Gangster Disciples
Insane Gangster Disciples
Juggalos
La Familia
La Quemada
Latin Kings
Latino Bloods Crips
Little Trouble Makers
Los Bolinos
Los Zetas
Lovemans Village Posse
Lynch Mob
Malditos 13
Melos 13
Northside Bloods
Northsiders 62 Po Boys
On Fire Boys
On Fire Girls
Outcast MC
Pistoleros MC
Outlaws MC
Pratt Boys
Riley Boys
Seven Deadly Sins
Sherman Heights Posse
Sin City Disciples MC
Six Deuce Brims
Smithfield Posse
Southern Brotherhood
Southside Cyclones
Southside Locos
Southside Youngsters
Sur-13
T Dub
Tango Blast
Technical Knockout
Titusville Posse
Toney Project Boys
Trap Boys
Trap Girls
Tribe MC
United Together Forever
Vatos Locos
Vice Hill Posse
Vice Lords
View Mob
Westside Crips
Wheels of Soul MC
Wylam Boys  

ALASKA
50150 Crips
88 Street Crips
Almighty Latin King Nation
Almighty Vice Lord Nation
Altadena Crip Gangster
American Front
Aryan Brotherhood
Baby Hamo Tribe
Black Gangster Disciples
Blackwood Mafia
Chaos Drama Family
Combat Crips
Compton Swamp Crips
Deuce
Faceside Bloods
Fam Bam
Franklin Family Piru
Fresno Bulldogs
Full Time Criminals
Gangster Disciples
Goonies For Life
Hamo Tribe
Hells Angels MC
Hmong Nation Society
Hollow Tip Crew
Iceberg Clique
Juvenile Delinquents
Korrupt(ed) Crew
Laos Oriental Soldiers
Laotian Blood Killers
Laotian Thugz
Locc Down Crips
Loco Latin Crips
Los Malditos
MS-13
Member of Blood
Menace of Destruction
Mongolian Boys Society
Mountain View Crips
Murder Mob
Northside Damu
Outlawz
Peckerwoods
Real ‘Bout It Individuals
Royal Samoan Posse
Samoan Dynasty
Sons of Samoa
Soulja Crew
Southside Mesa
Sureños
The Family
The Low Lifes
Tiny Rascals Gang
Tongang Crip Gang
Top Notch Ballers
Uso 4 Life
Uso Squad
Westside City Crips
Westside Inland Empire Projects
Yellow Oriental Troop
Young Gangsta Niggas 

ARIZONA
“A” Mountain Crips
10th Ave JP Crips
12th Ave Crips
29th Street Bloods
36th Street Vista Bloods
36th Street Vista Chicanos
4th Ave Crips
Aryan Brotherhood
Barrio Anita
Barrio Centro
Barrio Chicano Southside
Barrio Hollywood
Barrio Libre
Barrio Loco
Barrio Nuevo Locos
Barrio Savaco
Bilby Street Crips
Black Rags
Duce Nine Crips
Eastside Bloods
Eastside Crips
Eastside Maria Crips
Eastside Torrance
Folk Nation
Gangster Disciples
Grandale
Hells Angels MC
Hollywood Soma
Juggalos
Jollyville Crips
La Tusa
La Victoria Locos
Little Town
Little Town Crips
Locos Bloodline
Manzanita Lynch Mob Crips
Maryvale Gangsta Crips
Mau Mau
Mexican Mafia
Midvale Park Bloods
Mission Manor Park Bloods
Mongols
New Mexican Mafia
Northside Chicanos
Northside White Pride
Okie Town
Old Mexican Mafia
Old Pascua
Peckerwoods
Skinheads
Sons of Hell
South Palo Verde Bloods
South Park Family Gangsters
Southeast Hustler Bloods
Southside Boyz
Southside Brown Pride
Southside Harbor City
Southside Posse Bloods
Sureños
Trekell Park Crips
Varrio Loco
V-12 Bloods
Vagos MC
Vindlanders
West Mesa
West Ross Street Piru
Western Hills Posse Bloods
Westside Brown Pride
Wet Back Power
Warrior Society
Western Hills Bloods
ARKANSAS

Bandidos MC
Blood
Crips
Folk Nation
Outlaws MC
People Nation
Sons of Silence MC
Wheels of Soul MC 

CALIFORNIA
18th St
159th Avenue
17th St
38th Avenue Locos
38th Street
415 Kumi
49 St hustler Crips
5/9 Brims
51st Avenue locos
51st St locos
A Street
AC Acorn
Acre Boys
Al Capone
Aryan Brotherhood
Asian Boyz
Asian Crips
Asian Insane Boys
Asian Street Walkers
Asian Warriors
Atascadero 13
AVE 39
AVE 51
AVE 53
Aztec Tribe Cholos
Azusa 13
B Street
Bahala Na’ Barkada
Bakersfield Bastards MC
Barrio San Juan 13
Barrio Cathedral City
Barrio Eastside
Barrio Pobre
Barrio San Juan
Barrio Small Town
Brown Brotherhood
Brown Crowd Locos
Barrio Central Vallejo
Black Guerilla Family
Block Boys
Blue Team
Blvd Crips
Bolen
Border Brothers
Bratz
Brick Block Crips
Broderick Boys
Brown Brotherhood
Brown Life Familia
Brown Pride Soldiers
Brown Pride Soldiers 13
Brown Pride Sureño
Browns Town
Bulldogs
Burger Team
Calle Ocho (8th street)
Campbell Village Gangsters
Campos Ramos Locos
Canta Ranas 13
Carmelas 13
Carps
Central Vallejo Clicka
Chankla Bulldogs
Chino Sinners
City Heights Trece Juniors
Clairemont Locos
Coachella Tiny Locos
CoCo County Boys
Cold Nigga Mafia
Colonia Bakers
Compton Varrio Tortilla Flats
Corona Varrio Locos
Country Boy Crips
COVINA 13
Crazy Brothers Clan
Crazy Brown Norteños
Crazy Fucking Mexicans
Crazy Krooks
Crazy Royal Kings
Crow Village
Cudahy 13
Cut Throat Mob
Davis Street Locos
Dead End Street
Death Crowd 13
Del Sol
Delhi Alley Boys
Desperados MC
Dirty Thirties
Dog Soldiers
Dreamhomes
Droppin Niggas Instantly
Down To Scrap Krew
East Coast Crips
Eastbound Loco
Eastside Familia
Eastside Longos
Eastside Rivas
Eastside SD El Cajon Locos
El Hoyo Palmas
EL Monte Flores
Elm St Watts
Eastside Montalvo
Exotic Foreign City Crips
Family Affiliated Irish Mafia Fain
Familia Hispana
Farmerside Bulldogs
Florencia 13
Four Corner Block Crips
Fresnecks Ftroop
Fuck My Enemies
Fuck the World
Gardenview Locos
Gas Team
Gateway Posse Crips
Ghetto Assassins
Ghostown
Goleta 13
H Street
Hard Side Clique
Hard Times
Hawaiian Gardens 13
Hells Angels MC
Highly Insane Criminals
Hispanic Kings
Homicidal Family
Hoodlum Family
Hop Sing Boyz
Humboldt
Humboldt County Gangsters
Imperials
Indian Pride
Inglewood Family Gangster
Inglewood Trece
Insane Crips
Insane Viet Thugz
Jackson Terrace
Jamaican Mafia Family
Juggalos
Kansas Street
Kings Of Cali MC
Krazy Ass Samoans
Krazy Assassins
Kumi
La Nuestra Familia
LB Suicidal Punks
Lennox
Lincoln Park Piru
Lincoln Town Sureños
Linda Vista 13
Lo Mob
Logan 30ta
Logan Heights
Logan Red Steps
Loma Bakers
Lomita Village 70’s
Long Beach Locos
Lorenzo Team
Los Marijuanas Smokers
Los Nietos 13
Los Padrinos
Low Profile Kings
Lo Boys
Lunatics On Crack
Lynwood Dukes
Mac Mafia
Manor Dro Boyz
Manor Park Gangsters
Marijuana Locos
Mayfair Santa Rosa Criminals
Mexican Klan Locos
Mexican Mafia
Mexican Pride 13
Midcity Stoners
Midtown Proyectos
Mission Bay Locos
Mitchel Street Norteños
Mob Squad
Mob To Kill
Molochs
Mongols MC
Mountain View Sureños
MS-13
National City Locos
Nazi Low Riders
Neighborhood Crips
Nip Killer Squad
Nipomo 13 Norte
North Town Stoners
Northern Riders
Northern Structure
Northside Hayward
Northside Indio
Northside Longos
Nuestra Raza
Nutty Side Paramount
Oaktown Crips
Oceano 13
O-hood Crips
Okie Bakers
Old Town National City
Olivo Bulldogs
Oriental Boy Soldiers
Oriental Boys
Oriental Killer Boys
Oriental Lazy Boys
Orphans
Otay
Palm City
Paradise Hills Locos
Paso Robles 13
Peckerwoods
Public Enemy Number One (PENI)
Pierpont Rats
Pierpont-Ventura
Playa Larga
Pomona 12th Street
Power of Vietnamese
Puente 13
Pure Mexican Raza
Puro Raza Loco
Puro Varrio Campo
Quiet Assassins
Quiet Village 13
Quince Southside Locos
Red Team
Res Boys
Ridezilla
Rockcreek
Rollin 20 Crips
S. Central Locos
Sacramaniacs
San Dimas Rifa
San Jose Crazy Crips
San Jose Grande
San St Paramount
Santa Monica Gang
Santa Nita
Saticoy- Ventura Eastside
Screamin Demons MC
Shandon Park Locos 13 Shelltown
Shelltown Gamma
Sherman Lomas Market Street
Sidro
Skinheads
Skyline Piru
So Gate Tokers
Sobrante Park
Solano Side
Sons of Samoa
Sotel 13
South Gate Smokers
South Vietnam
Southeast Locos
Southern Locos Gangsters 13
Southside Bakers
Southside Criminals
Southside Huntington Beach
Southside Indio
Southside Playboys
Southside Players
Southside Whittier 13
Spring Valley Locos
Squeeze Team
Sucidals Sunny Block Crips
Sunnyvale Sur Trece
Sur Santos Pride
Sur Town Locos
Sureño Unidos Trece
Sureños Por Vida
Tangas
Tehachapi 13
Tiny Rascal Gang
Tongan For Life
Top Hatters
Underworld Zilla
Untouchables
USO Squad
Ventura Avenue Gangsters
Vagos MC
Valinda Flats
Varrio Concord Norte
Varrio Northside
Varrio Nueva Estrada
Varrio Simi Valley
Varrio Bakers
Varrio Chula Vista
Varrio Coachella Rifa
Varrio Coachella Rifa 52
Varrio Coachella Rifa 53
Varrio Encanto Locos
Varrio Grinfas
Varrio Horseshoe
Varrio Locos
Varrio Meadow Fair
Varrio Mecca Rifa
Varrio Mountain View
Varrio Norwalk 13
Varrio Nuevo Coachella
Varrio Oasis Rifa
Varrio Palmas Gang
Varrio Penn West
Varrio South Garden
Varrio Sur Rifa
Varrio Tamilee Gangsters
Varrio Thermal Rifa
Varrio Xechos Locos
Vatos Locos
Venice 13
Venice Shoreline Crips
Viet Outlaws
Vietnam
Wah Ching
Walnut Creek 13
Warlord Bloods
West Coast Crips
West Covina 13
West Covina Crips
West Covina MOB
West Drive Locos
West Myrtle Townsend Street
Westside Hustlers
Westside Islanders
Westside Locos
Westside Longos
Westside MOB
Westside Stoners
Wheels of Soul MC
White Power
Whittier
Wicked Minded Sureños
Wicked Minded Sureños 13
Willow Street
Young Crazy Thugs
Young Cutties
Zetas 

COLORADO
18th Street
211 Crew
81st Street Crips
American Nazi Party
Bandidos MC
Brown Pride Sureños
Carver Park Crips
Eastside Dukes
Folks
Gallant Knights
Gangster Disciples
GKI 211 Crew Bloods
Hells Angels
Insane Norteños
Juaritos
Kraziest Thugs Around
Los Primer Padres
Mexican Mafia
MS-13
Mongols MC
Murder All Cliques
Norteños
Northside Criminals
Northside Mafia
Oldies 13
Outlaws MC
Paisas
Parkside Varrio
Peckerwoods
Playboys
Sons of Silence MC
Southside Locos
Sureño Desert Empire
Sureños
Two Eleven

CONNECTICUT
Battalion 14
Blake Street Goonies
Bloods
Carmel Street Goons
Charter Oak Crips
Cruel 36 Family
Diablos MC
Eastern Circle Projects 3x
Fairside 2x
G-25
G-27
G-Side Projects
Hells Angels MC
Hill Most Wanted
Hillside 4x
La Familia
Latin Kings and Queens
Manor 5x
MS-13
Netas
Outlaws MC
Solidos
The Ave
Tiny Mami Squad
Tiny Papi Squad
Tre 3x
Tribe 3x
Trinitarios
Ville 2x

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
18th Street
Bloods
Crips
Latin Kings
MS-13

DELAWARE
135 Bloods
9 Trey
9 Triggaz
924 Bloods
Anybody Gets It
Bounty Hunter Bloods
Bush Babies
Cash Hoe Murda
Certified Ballina Killers
Crips
Dawg City Piru
East Coast Bloods
Gangster Disciples
Latin Kings
Netas
Ochos
Pagans
South Los
Sur-13
Street Piru Bloods

FLORIDA
1000 Block
103rd St Buck Wild CA Latin Lingo
10th St Gang
110th St Bloods
1200 Block
12th Court Cowboys
13th Avenue Hotboys
13th Street Gang
170 Boyz
181
187
1887
18th Street
20 Deep
21 Gunz
211 Crips
2150 EAP
22nd Street
23rd Street Trail Blazers
24th Street Gang
25 Mafia
27’s Puerto Rico PG
2nd Line Goons
300 Block
311 Westside KTP
312 Crips
7414 Gangster Disciples
34th Folk Boys
39th Street Boys
3KN
4 Way Boys
45th St FAM
46 Ave Boyz
5 Deuce Hoover Crips
5 Trey Bloods
5% 386
5020 Peckerwood
5150 Piru Bloods
52 Hoover Crips
551 Crips
58th Ave.
59 Hoover Crips
7 Trey Crips
700 Block
74 Gangster Disciples
7414 Gangster Disciples
8 Tre Crips
8 Trey Gangster Crips
800 Bound
813 Black Gangster Disciples
819 Boys
9 Trey Gangsters
9 Trey Murk Squad Blood
9-Tech Bloods
A&E Bird Gang
Ace Boon Goons
All City Certified Gangstas
Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation
American Nazi Party Anarchist
Anarchist
Any Body Killas
APK Boys
Aryan Brotherhood
Aryan Nation
Barrio Boys
Batchelors
Behind the Plaza Boys
Beruit Snakes
Big Money Posse
Bithlo Bike Crew
Black Angels
Black Flag Mafia
Black Gangster Disciple
Black Mafia
Black MOB
Black P Stone Nation
Black Pines
Black Pistons MC
Black Spade Squad
Black T Mafia
Blue Angel
Blue Devil Gangster Crips
Booker Heights Posse
Border Brothers
Brookhill Hillboys Most Wanted
Brown Pride
Bruise Brothers MC
Buck Block
Camphor Way Boys
Cartel Southside Gansta Crips
Carver Shore Boys
Cash Feenz
CFL Most Wanted
Chicago Bloods
Chico Cracker Klique
Chico’s In Action
Click Tight
Clown Boiz Crips
Cold Side Posse
College Park Thugs
Confederate Hammerskins
Corner Boy Mafia
Crazy Brown Boys
Crazy Gangster Disciple
Crazy Insane Disciples
Crazy Killer Zoes
Criminal Gangsters
Cut Throat Crew/Committee
D-BOYZ
Dirty White Boys
Down 4 Whatever
Dark Angels
Darkside Boyz
Deaths Last Clique
Deland Regulators
DeLeon Springs
Deuce Crips
Deuce Deuce
Dirty Game
Dirty South Mafia
Dirty White Boys
Disciples of Discipline
Doo Doo Creek
Doom Squad
Dover Locos
Down For Life
Down South Florida Boys
Down South Gangster
Downtown Crips
DRAK BOYS
Draks
Dred Mafia
East Orlando Warriors
Eastside 9 Trey Gangster Bloods
Eastside Bloods
Eastside Crips
Eastside Jack Boyz
Eastside Piru
Eastside Rolling 60’s Crips
Elm Street Piru Bloods
Eternal Gangster
Eureka Garden Goons
Every Niggas Nightmare
Family of Hustlers
Flag Street
Flip Star Crips
Florencia 13
Folk
Folk Disciples
Folk Nation
For The Warriors
Front Street Boyz
G Shine Bloods
G Stone Crip
G25
Gangster Killer Bloods
Gangsta Piru
Gangstas For Life
Gangster Disciples
Gangster Imperial Gangsters
Gangster Prophet
Gangsters 4 Life
Get Up Kids
Ghostrider Crips
Golden Gate Goons
Goyams
Grand Park Grape Street Crips
Guardians
Guk-Get Up Kids
Gun Clap N Crips
Hammerskins
Hill Top Boys
Hoover Crip
Hoover Deuce Crips
Hope Circle Bois
Hot Boys
Hustle Harder
Imperial Gangster Disciples
Imperial Gangsters
Imperial Kings Inland Empire
Insane Dragons
Insane Gangster Crips
Insane Gangster Disciple
Insane MOB Boys
Insane Spanish Lords
International Folk Posse
International Posse
International Posse 13th
Island Boys Clique
Jack Boys
Jensen Beach Clique
Juggalos
Knock Out Squad
King Con Sureños
Keep On Spraying
Ken Knight
Krazy Getdown Boys
Kruption Boys
Kuntry Boyz
La Raza
Lady Knock Out Squad
Lakawanna Boys Latin Crew
Latin Disciples
Latin Eagles
Latin Kings
Latin Life
Latin Lingo Legacy Mafia
Latin Syndicates
Legion of Doom
Little Altamonte Goons
Little Haiti Bloods
Livingston Dawgs
Lockhart Boyz
Loco Trece
Los 27
Los Chicanos
Los Salidos
Lost Boys
Lusoanderson Boys
M.A.C. Crip
Mafia Kings
Mafia Street Gangsta Crips
Main Street Posse
Maniac Campbell Disc Ñeta
Maniac Gangster Disciples
Maniac Latin Disciples
Mascotte City Gangster Folk Nation
Mayan Pride
Melbourne Town Soldiers
Mexican Diplomats
Mexican Mafia
Midway Goons
Milla Southside
Miller Gangsta Blood
Miller Set
MOB Folks
Mohawk Boys
Moncrief “MCT”
Money Mafia
Morgan Boys
Most Hated Brothers
Mother Fuckin Goons
Money Power Respect
MS-13
Murda Grove Boys
Murder Set Bloods
Murk
Myrtle Avenue
Nazi Juggalo
Ñeta
New Smyrna Beach Boyz
New York Outlaws
Nuestra Familia
Nine Trey Blood
Nine Trey Gangsters
Nines Techs & Grenades Norte 14
Northlake Boys
Not Fair Ones
Nuccio Boys
Oak Ridge Jungle Boys
Oaktown Niggaz
Oceanway Mafia
OLD Gang
One Love Nation
Orange City Boys
Orange County Gangs 1400 Block
Orange Flag Boys
Out East Outlaws
Out of Control Gangster
Outlaw Crips Outlawz
Outlaw Gangster Crips
Outlaws MC
O.V. BOYS
Oviedo Soldiers
P.O. Boys
Payback Crips
Pagans MC
Paisa Palm River Boys
Palm City Locals
Palmdale
Parramore Snakes
Paxon Boys
Pearl World
People Nation
Phantom MC
Picketville Hustle House
Pine Hills Pimp Boyz
Pine Manor Piru Bloods
Piru Bloods
Platoon 187
Playboy Crew
Polk Street Goons
Port Orange Boys
Power Progress
Project Boys
Projects of Vietnam
P-Town
PYC Raw Dawgz
Renegades MC
Ridge Manor Boys
Rollin 20s Crips
Rollin 30’s
Rolling 60 Crips
Rough Riders
Royal Family Ace Clique
Salerno Boyz
Satan Disciples
Satan Gangster Disciples
Satanist
Savage Squad
Sex Money Murder Bloods
Sherwood
Shores Boys
Sin City Boyz
Six Point Crips
Skinheads
Smooth Fellas
So Bout It Boiz
Solo G
Sons of Silence MC
Southern Pitbulls
Southside
Southside Bloods
Southside Crips
Spanish Lords
St. Lucie Bloods Chicos in Action
Stand and Deliver
Str8drop Gang
Straight Drop
Street Runners
Supreme White Power
Sur-13
Sureños
Swamp Boyz
Tangos
TC Boys
The Fresh Kings
Third World Family
Thunder Cats
Tri-State
Top Shottas
Tre 4
Troop 31 Slum Boys Aryan Nations
Tru Soldiers
Unforgiven
Unforgiven International Posse
United Crip Nation
United King
Unknown Soldiers
Up Top Mafia
Valentine Bloods
Vandalize The Hood
Vagos
Vato Locos
Vice Lord
Victory Boyz
Villa Boyz
Villa Killas
Village Boys
V-Side Gangsters
Warlocks MC
Washington Oaks Goons
Watauga Boys
Watts City Crips
Westside
Westside Chico Boys
Westside Crips
Westside Rolling 60’s Crips
Westside Rolling 90’s Crips
White Aryan Resistance
White Power
White Pride
Wildside Young Boon Goons
Winter Garden
Wolfpack MC
Woodlands Crew
Woods Boyz
Wynwood
Y-B Zoe Pound
Y-Lo-C
Young Godz
Young Guz
Young Latin Organization
Young Outlaw Gangster Crips
Zellwood Boys
Zoe Mafia
Zoe Mafia Family
Zoe Pound
Zone 1
Zulus MC

GEORGIA
30 Deep
4WB Fourth Ward Boys
All About Cash
All About Finesse
All About Money
Atlanta Blood Gang Squad
ATL Riders
Bang Bang Anywhere Gang
Bank First Play Later
Bethel Towers Crew
Black Pistons MC
BMB Blood Money Boys
Bloods
Campbelton Road Gangsters
Certified Street Niggas
Certified Paper Chasers
Check Gang
Crips
Cross the Track Boys
Da Fam
Dem Franchise Boys
Deadly Killer Click
DTS Dogwood Trap Starts
Fuck Being Broke
Gangsta Azz Nicca
Gangster Disciples
GD 74
Gett Money Play Later Click
Guapaholic Hard Times 13
Gwalla Boys
Hard Times
Hot Boy Click
Insane Gangster Disciples
Irwin Street Gorillas
James Gang MC
Merk Squad
Most Dangerous Click
Niggas Bout Action
Niggas for Life
No Mercy/ Trained to Go
Oakland City Posse
Outcast MC
Outlaws MC
Partners of the Struggle
Pittsburgh Jack Boys
RACK Crew
Raised on Cleveland
Rollin 20’s Bloods
Rollin 60’s Crips
Runts
Simpson Road Gangsters
Stealing Everything (SIMPSET)
Sureños
Sur-13
Southside 13
Sur King Locos
Ten Little Niggas
Trained to Go
Vagos
Vatos Locos
Vice Lords
White Boi Gang
Young Block Boys
Young Choppa Fam
Young Committed Partnas
Young Cushman Boys
Young Get Money Gangsters
Young Gunna Click
Young Money Makers
Young Niggas Get Money
Young Paper Chasers
Young Crew
YSet/ Y3/ Sak Takerz

HAWAII
Vagos MC
IDAHO
Bandidos MC
Brothers Speed MC
Mexican Mafia
Northside Big Tyme
Nuestra Familia
Russian Gangs
Vagos MC
Westside 18th Street
Westside Loma Locos
ILLINOIS
12th St Players
Almighty Popes
Ambrose
Black Disciples
Black Gangster Disciples
Black P Stones
Black Pistons MC
Folks Nation
Gangster Disciples
Hells Angels
Hobo’s Imperial Gangsters
Insane Dragons
Jivers Jousters
Krazy Get Down Boys
La Raza
Latin Counts
Latin Kings
Latin Saints
Latin Souls
Leafland Street Boys
Latins Out of Control
Maniac Latin Disciples
Mickey Cobra’s
Outlaws MC
Party People
People Nation
Popes
Satan Disciples
Satin Disciples
Simon City Rollers
Sons of Silence
Spanish Cobras
Sur-13
Two Six
Vice Lords
Wheels of Soul MC

INDIANA
13’s Sureños
14’s Norteños
18th Street
American Mexican Gangster
Aryan Brotherhood
Back Pistons MC
Black Angels
Black Gangster Disciples
Black P Stones
Bloods
BPS 13
Brown Pride Gang
Buffalo Soldiers
Click Clack
Cloven Hoofs MC
Code Red
Code Red
Rollin’s 20’s Crips
Cossacks
D-Boyz
Devil Disciples
Diablos MC
Dirty White Boys
Gangster Disciples
Goons Squad
Grim Reapers MC
Haughville Syndicate
Hells Angels MC
Insane Gangster Disciples
Jimtown Boys
Kentuckiana Gunslingers
Latin Kings
Latino Riders
Locos 18
Luchiana Boyz
Mad Dog MC
Mexican Mafia
Midnight Riders MC
Milwaukee Iron
Mistic Dragons
Money Over Bitches
Mongols MC
MS-13
Murda Squad
Naptown Riders
Norteño
Northside Vatos Locos
Outlaws MC
Peace Stones
Pop It Off Boys
Pussy and Cash
Ratchet Boyz
Rebel Cause
Righteous Riders
Savages and White Boys
Saxon Knights
Sons of Silence MC
Stone Drifters
Straight Edge
Sur-13
The Cool Kids
Vice Lords
Westside Crew
Wheels of Soul MC
Zoe Pound

IOWA
18th Street
319 Crew
7 Deuces
Ambrose
Aryan Brotherhood
Aryan Nation
Aztec Kings
Black Cross
Black Disciples
Black Gangster Disciples
Black Gangsters
Black Mafia
Black P Stones
Black Panthers
Black P-Stone Nation
Black Soul Block Burners
Blackstone Rangers
Bloods
Bogus Boys
Branded Breed MC
Carney Pride
Chosen Few MC
Church of the Creator
Church of the New Song
Code Red
Custom Riders MC
Crips
Dirty White Boys
Down South Boys
Eagle Riders
Eastside Locos
Eastsiders
El Foresteros MC
El Rukens
Familia Stones
Fathers of Anarchy
Florencia 13
Four Corner Hustlers
Gangster Disciples
Grim Reapers MC
Hang Out Boys
Hells Angels MC
Imperial Gangsters
Insane Deuces
Insane Gangsters
Insane Majestics
Insane Popes
Insane Spanish Cobras
Insane Vikings
Iron Horse MC
Juggalos
La Familia
La Raza
Lao Crip
Lao Family Blood
Latin Counts
Latin King
Latin Pachucos
Lomas13
Lomax XIII
Los Chicos
Los Pelones
Lower Riders
Maniac Latin Disciples
Maple Street Goons
MS-13
Matadors MC
Mexican Mafia
Mickey Cobras
Midnight Riders MC
Ñetas
New Breed
Norteños
Northfront Occult
Outlaws MC
P13 Punte
Paisa
Peckerwoods
Players Club Posse
Posse Comitatus
Really Cocky Asshole Killers
Rebel Knights MC
Saints
San Fernando Mexicans
Satan Disciples
Satin Disciples
SHARP
Sioux City Boys
Skinheads
Sons of Freedom MC
Sons of Liberty
Sons of Silence MC
Southside 21
Spanish Cobras
Spanish Disciples Sureño
The Cool Kids
The Fellows
Two Six Nation
United Metro Front
Vagos MC
Vice Lords
Viet Solo Boys
Westside Knights
Westside Locos

APPENDIX B. MDTOs Alliances and Rivals

Cartel
Aligned With
Rivals
The Sinaloa Cartel (aka Guzman-Loera Organization or Pacific Cartel)Hermanos de Pistoleros Latinos
New Mexico Syndicate
Los Carnales
Latin Kings
Mexican Mafia (California)
Sureños
MS-13
Arizona Mexican Mafia (Old & New)
Wet Back Power
Sinaloa Cowboys
West Texas Tangos
Los Negros
Valencia Cartel (Considered a branch of the Sinaloa Cartel)
Sonora Cartel (Considered a branch of the Sinaloa Cartel)
Colima Cartel (Considered a branch of the Sinaloa Cartel)
Border Brothers (California)
Border Brothers (Arizona)
Los Zetas
Cardenas-Guillen Cartel (Gulf)
Tijuana Cartel
Beltran-Leyva Cartel
Juarez Cartel
La Familia Michoacana Cartel (Formerly part of Los Zetas under the authority of the Gulf Cartel)Sinaloa Cartel
Cardenas-Guillen Cartel (Gulf)
Surenos
MS-13
West Texas Tangos
Los Zetas
Cardenas-Guillen Cartel (Gulf Cartel)
The Beltran-Leyva Cartel
Vincente Carrillo-Fuentes Cartel
(Juarez Cartel)
Los ZetasVincente Carrillo-Fuentes Cartel (Juarez)
Beltran-Leyva Cartel
Barrio Azteca
Hermanos de Pistoleros Latinos
Mexikanemi
Texas Syndicate
MS-13
Arellano-Felix Cartel (Tijuana)
Cartel de la Sierra (Sierra Cartel)
Sinaloa Cartel
La Familia Michoacana Cartel
Cardenas-Guillen Cartel (Gulf)
Cardenas-Guillen Cartel (Gulf Cartel)

Sinaloa Cartel
La Familia Michoacana Cartel
Hermanos de Pistoleros Latinos
Partido Revolutionary Mexicano
Raza Unida
Texas Chicano Brotherhood
Los Zetas
La Familia Michoacana Cartel
The Sinaloa Cartel
Vincente Carrillo-Fuentes Cartel (Juarez Cartel)

Los Zetas
Hermanos de Pistoleros Latinos
Barrio Azteca
New Mexico Syndicate
Los Carnales
The Sinaloa Cartel
La Familia Michoacana Cartel
The Beltran-Leyva Cartel (expected to soon be taken over by the Sierra Cartel)Los ZetasLos Zetas
La Familia Michoacana Cartel
Arellano-Felix Cartel (Tijuana Cartel)Mexican Mafia (California)
Sureños
Arizona Mexican Mafia (Old & New)
Border Brothers (California)
Los Zetas
The Sinaloa Cartel


APPENDIX C. Federal Gang Task Forces
FBI Safe Streets Gang Task Forces

Alabama
Mobile Violent Crime Joint Task Force
Northeast Alabama Safe Streets Task Force

Alaska
Anchorage Safe Street Task Force

Arizona
Northern Arizona Violent Gang Task Force
Southwest Arizona Safe Streets Task Force
Violent Street Gang Task Force

Arkansas
Metro Gang-Joint Task Force

California
Central Coast Safe Streets Violent Gang Task Force
Central Valley Gang Impact Team Task Force
East County Regional Gang Task Force
Gang Impact Team (Riverside)
Imperial Valley Safe Streets Task Force
Kern County Violent Crime/Gang Task Force
Los Angeles Metro Task Force On Violent Gangs
North Bay Regional Gang Task Force
North Central Coast Gang Task Force
North County Regional Gang Task Force
Sacramento Valley Gang Suppression Team
Safe Streets East Bay Task Force
San Francisco Safe Streets Violent Crimes Task Force
San Gabriel Valley Safe Streets Violent Gang Task Force
Santa Ana Gang Task Force
Santa Clara County Violent Gang Task Force
Solano County Violent Gang Safe Streets Task Force
South LA County Violent Crimes Task Force
Stockton Violent Crime Task Force
Ventura County RIACT
Violent Crime Task Force-Gang Group

Colorado
Denver Metro Gang Safe Streets Task Force
Southern Colorado Violent Gang Safe Streets Task Force

Connecticut
Bridgeport Safe Streets Gang Violent Crimes Task Force
New Haven Safe Streets Task Force
Northern Connecticut Violent Crimes Gang Task Force

Delaware
Delaware Violent Crime Safe Streets Gang Task Force

Florida
Daytona Beach Safe Streets Task Force
Jacksonville Criminal Enterprise Investigative Task Force
Metro Orlando Safe Streets Gang Task Force
Palm Beach County Gang and Criminal Organization
Task Force
South FL. Gang/Criminal Organization Task Force
Tampa Bay Safe Streets Task Force

Georgia
Atlanta Criminal Enterprise Task Force
Central Savannah River Area Safe Streets Gang Task Force
Conasauga Major Offenders Task Force
Hall County Major Offenders Task Force
Northwest Georgia Criminal Enterprise Task Force
Southwest Georgia Gang Task Force

Idaho
Treasure Valley Metro Gang Task Force

Illinois
Eastern Illinois Safe Streets Task Force
Joint Task Force on Gangs – Tactical
Joint Task Force on Gangs - West
Joint Task Force on Gangs II
Joint Task Force on Gangs-1
Metro East Safe Streets
North Suburban Gang Task Force
Peoria Area Safe Streets Task Force
Quad Cities Fed Gang Task Force
Will County Violent Crimes Task Force

Indiana
Eastern Central Indiana Safe Streets Task Force
Fort Wayne Safe Streets Gang Task Force
Gary Response Investigative Team
Gang Response Investigative Team Tippecanoe
Indianapolis Metro Gang Safe Streets Task Force
Wabash Valley Safe Streets Task Force

Iowa
Cedar Rapids Safe Streets Task Force

Kentucky
Northern Kentucky Safe Streets Task Force

Louisiana
Calcasieu Parish Gang Task Force
Capital Area Gang Task Force
Central Louisiana Gang Task Force
New Orleans Gang Task Force
Northeast Louisiana Gang Task Force
Shreveport Task Force
South Central Louisiana Safe Streets Task Force

Maine
Southern Maine Gang Task Force

Maryland
Prince George’s County Safe Streets Task Force
Violent Crime Safe Streets Initiative

Massachusetts
North Shore Gang Task Force
Southeastern Massachusetts Gang Task Force
Western Massachusetts Gang Task Force

Michigan
Benton Harbor Violent Crime Task Force
Detroit Violent Gang Task Force
Genesee County Safe Streets Task Force
Mid-Michigan Safe Streets Task Force
Oakland County Safe Streets Task Force

Minnesota
Twin Cities Safe Streets Violent Gang Task Force

Mississippi
Jackson Safe Streets Task Force
Southeast Mississippi Safe Streets Task Force

Missouri
Kansas City Metropolitan Gang Task Force
St. Louis Safe Streets Gang Task Force

Montana
Big Sky Safe Streets Task Force
Central Montana Gang Task Force

Nebraska
Central Nebraska Drug and Safe Streets Task Force
Greater Omaha Safe Streets Task Force

Nevada
Las Vegas Safe Streets Gang Task Force

New Hampshire
New Hampshire Safe Streets Task Force

New Jersey
Jersey Shore Gang and Criminal Organization Task Force
South Jersey Violent Incident/Gang Task Force
South Jersey Violent Offender and Gang Task Force
Violent Crime Criminal Enterprise Task Force
Violent Crimes Incident Task Force

New Mexico
Albuquerque Safe Streets HIDTA Gang Task Force
Four Corners Safe Streets Task Force
Southern New Mexico Street Gang Task Force

New York
Buffalo Safe Streets Task Force
Capital District Gang Task Force
Hudson Valley Safe Streets Violent Gang Task Force
Long Island Gang Task Force
Westchester County Violent Crimes Task Force

North Carolina
Charlotte Safe Streets Task Force
Piedmont Triad Safe Streets Gang Task Force
Raleigh Durham Safe Streets Task Force
Wilmington Safe Streets Task Force

Ohio
Greater Akron Area Safe Streets Task Force
Mahoning Valley Violent Crime Task Force
Miami Valley Safe Streets Task Force
Stark County, Ohio Violent Crime/Fugitive Task Force

Oklahoma
Oklahoma City Metropolitan Gang Task Force

Oregon
Portland Metro Gang Task Force

Pennsylvania
Bucks County Violent Gang Task Force
Capital Cities Safe Streets Task Force
Delaware Valley Violent Crimes Task Force
Erie Area Gang Law Enforcement Task Force
Greater Pittsburgh Safe Streets Task Force
Lehigh Valley Violent Crimes Task Force
Philadelphia Violent Gang Task Force
Safe Streets Violent Crimes Task Force
Safe Streets Violent Drug Gang Task Force
Steamtown Gang Task Force
SW Pennsylvania Safe Streets Task Force

Puerto Rico
Aguadilla Regional Enforcement Team
Fajardo Regional Enforcement Team
Ponce Safe Streets Task Force
Safe Streets Task Force

Rhode Island
Rhode Island Violent Crimes/Gang Task Force

South Carolina
Columbia Violent Gang Task Force
Pee Dee Violent Crime Task Force

Tennessee
Chattanooga Safe Streets Task Force
Knoxville Headquarters Safe Streets Violent Crimes
Task Force
Nashville Violent Crimes Gang Task Force
Safe Streets Task Force HQ City

Texas
Austin Violent Crime Gang/Organized Crime Task Force
Corpus Christi Violent Crimes Task Force
East Texas Area Gang Initiative
El Paso Street and Prison Gang Task Force
Houston Coastal Safe Streets Task Force
Multi-Agency Gang Task Force
Rio Grand Valley Violent Crimes Task Force
San Antonio Safe Streets Violent Crimes Task Force
Southeast Texas Safe Streets Task Force
Tarrant County Safe Streets Task Force
Violent Crimes and Major Offenders and Gang Task Force
West Texas Anti-Gang Team
West Texas Area Major Offender Task Force

Utah
Northern Utah Criminal Apprehension Team
Safe Streets Violent Crime Task Force

Virginia
Richmond Area Violent Enterprise Task Force
South Piedmont Virginia Gang Task Force
The Peninsula Safe Streets Task Force
Tidewater Violent Crimes Task Force

Washington
Seattle Safe Streets and Gang Task Force
South Sound Gang Task Force
Southwest Washington Safe Streets Task Force
Spokane Violent Crime Gang Enforcement Team
Tri-Cities Violent Crime Gang Enforcement Team

Washington, D.C.
WFO/MPD/Safe Streets Gang Task Force

West Virginia
Eastern Panhandle and Potomac Highlands Safe Streets Task Force
Huntington Violent Crimes/Drug Task Force

Wisconsin
Gang-Rock County Task Force
Greater Racine Gang Task Force



ATF Violent Crime Impact Teams (VCIT)
map_of_vcit_cities_-april_2011-1
Source: ATF
ICE Operation Community Shield (OCS) Initiative Targets
map-of-ice-ocs-cities-april-2011
Source: ICE


APPENDIX D. Acknowledgements
FEDERAL
US Department of Defense
Naval Criminal Investigative Service
US Army
Fort Dix Criminal Investigative Division
Directorate Emergency Services USAG-HI
US Department of Homeland Security
US Border Patrol
US Citizenship and Immigration Services
US Customs and Border Protection
US Homeland Security Investigations
US Department of the Interior
Bureau of Land Management
US Department of Justice
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives
Drug Enforcement Administration
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Federal Bureau of Prisons
Immigration and Customs Enforcement
National Drug Intelligence Center
National Gang Center
National Gang Intelligence Center
US Marshals Service
US Probation and Parole
US Department of State

LOCAL, STATE, AND REGIONAL
ALABAMA
Alabama Fusion Center
Bessemer Police Department
Birmingham Police Department
Etowah County Drug Task Force
Irondale Police Department
Madison County Sheriff’s Office
Pelham Police Department

ALASKA
Alaska Department of Corrections
Anchorage Police Department

ARIZONA
Arizona Adult Probation
Arizona Department of Corrections
Arizona Department of Juvenile Corrections
Arizona Department of Public Safety
Arizona DPS-State Gang Task Force (GIITEM) Central District
Arizona State Prison Kingman / MTC
Cottonwood Police Department
Lake Havasu City Police Department
Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office
Phoenix Police Department
Rocky Mountain Information Network
Scottsdale Police Department
Tempe Police Department
Tucson Police Department

ARKANSAS
13th Judicial District Deputy Prosecutors Office
Scott County Sheriff’s Office

CALIFORNIA
Alameda County Sheriff’s Office
Bakersfield Police Department
Bear Valley Police Department
Berkeley Police Department
Baldwin Park School Police Department
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation
California Highway Patrol
Chula Vista Police Department
Coachella Valley Gang Task Force
Compton School Police Department
Concord Police Department
Corona Police Department
Delano Community Correctional Facility
Eureka Police Department
Exeter Police Department
Fresno County Sheriff’s Office
Garden Grove Police Department
Gilroy Police Department
Greenfield Police Department
Hollister Police Department
Huntington Beach Police Department
Inglewood Police Department
Kern County Sheriff’s Office
Los Angeles Police Department
Lincoln Police Department
Long Beach Police Department
Los Angeles County District Attorney
Los Angeles County Probation Department
Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department
Marina Police Department
Merced Multi-Agency Gang Task Force
Montebello Police Department
Monterey County Probation Department
Monterey Police Department
Morgan Hill Police Department
Mountain View Police Department
Napa County Probation Department
National City Police Department
Oakland Police Department
Office of the Fresno County District Attorney
Oxnard Police Department
Pacific Grove Police Department
Pittsburg Police Department
Placer County District Attorney’s Office
Riverside County District Attorney’s Office
Riverside Sheriff’s Department
Sacramento County Sheriff’s Department
Sacramento Police Department
San Benito County Probation Department
San Benito County Sheriff’s Office
San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department
San Diego County Probation Department
San Diego Police Department
San Leandro Police Department
San Luis Obispo County Sheriff’s Department
Sanger Police Department
Santa Ana Police Department
Santa Barbara County Sheriff
Santa Barbara Police Department
Santa Barbara Sheriff’s Department
Santa Clara County Probation Department
Santa Monica Police Department
San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department
San Diego Sheriff’s Department
Simi Valley Police Department
Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office
South Gate Police Department
Southern Alameda County Major Crime Task Force
Stockton Police Department
Tehachapi Police Department
Tuolumne County Sheriff
Ukiah Police Department
Vallejo Police Department
Ventura Police Department
West Covina Police Department
West Sacramento Police Department
Whittier Police Department

COLORADO
10th Judicial District Probation Department
Aurora Police Department
Colorado Department of Corrections
Garfield County Sheriff’s Office
Greeley Police Department
Mesa County Sheriff’s Office
Thornton Police Department

CONNECTICUT
Connecticut State Police
Danbury Police Department
Meriden Police Department
New Haven Police Department
South Windsor Police Department
West Hartford Police Department

DELAWARE
Delaware State Police
New Castle County Police
Wilmington Police Department

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
US Attorney’s Office
Washington DC Metropolitan Police Department

FLORIDA
Alachua County Sheriff’s Office
Central Florida Intelligence Exchange
Florida Department of Corrections
Florida Department of Law Enforcement
Fort Myers Police Department
Hernando County Sheriff’s Office
Highlands County Sheriff’s Office
Hillsborough County Sheriff
Jacksonville Sheriff’s Office
Lake County Sheriff’s Office
Lee County Sheriff’s Office
Maitland Police Department
Marion County Sheriff’s Office
Martin County Sheriff’s Office
Miami-Dade Corrections & Rehabilitations
Ocala Police Department
Okeechobee County Sheriff’s Office
Orange County Corrections
Orange County Sheriff’s Office
Orlando Police Department
Oviedo Police Department
Polk County Sheriff’s Office
Sanford Police Department
Sarasota Sheriff’s Office
Seminole County Sheriff’s Office
Tallahassee Police Department
Seminole Police Department
Titusville Police Department
Volusia County Sheriff’s Office

GEORGIA
Cobb County Sheriff’s Office
Douglasville Police Department
Georgia Bureau of Investigation
Gwinnett County Police Department
LaGrange Police Department
Richmond County Board of Education Public Safety
Spalding County Sheriff’s Office

ILLINOIS
Bensenville Police Department
Bloomington Police Department
Chicago Police Department
Decatur Police Department
Dolton Police Department
DuPage County State’s Attorney’s Office
Hanover Park Police Department
Illinois Department of Corrections
Jo Daviess County Sheriff’s Office
Lake County Sheriff Department
Schaumburg Police Department

INDIANA
Anderson Police Department
Boone County Sheriff Department
Cumberland Police Department
Elkhart County Sheriff’s Office
Evansville Police Department
Indiana Department of Corrections
Parke County Sheriff’s Office
Pendleton Correctional Facility
Richmond Police Department
Southwest Indiana Violent Crime Task Force

IOWA
Dubuque Police Department
Iowa Department of Corrections
Jasper County Sheriff’s Office
Storm Lake Police Department
Warren County Sheriff’s Office

KANSAS
Kansas Bureau of Investigation
Lawrence Police Department
Topeka Police Department
Wichita Police Department

KENTUCKY
Henderson Police Department
Kentucky Department of Juvenile Justice
Louisville Metro Police Department
McCracken County Regional Jail

LOUISIANA
Alexandria Police Narcotics Division
Creola Police Department
Denham Springs Police Department
Grant Parish Constable
Grant Parish Sheriff’s Office
Iberia Parish Sheriff’s Office
Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s Office
Louisiana Department of Corrections
Louisiana State Police
Metro Narcotics of Ouachita
New Orleans Police Department
Office of Juvenile Justice

MAINE
Lewiston Police Department

MARYLAND
Anne Arundel County Police Department
Calvert County Sheriff’s Office
Charles County Sheriff’s Office
Greenbelt City Police Department
Hagerstown Department of Police
Harford County Sheriff’s Office
Maryland Coordination and Analysis Center
Maryland Department of Corrections
Montgomery County Police
Prince George’s County Police Department
Wicomico County Department of Corrections

MASSACHUSETTS
Boston Police Department
Chicopee Police Department
Fitchburg Police Department
Hampden County Sheriff’s Department
Haverhill Police Department
Holyoke Police Department
Lowell Police Department
Massachusetts State Police
Springfield Police Department
Worcester Police Department

MICHIGAN
Benton Township Police Department
Berrien County Sheriff’s Department
Escanaba Public Safety Department
Grand Rapids Police Department
Holland Police Department
Muskegon Police Department
Oakland County Violent Gang Task Force
Ottawa County Sheriff’s Office
Unadilla Township Police Department
West Michigan Enforcement Team

MINNESOTA
Dakota County Community Corrections
Minneapolis Police Department
Owatonna Police Department
Prairie Island Tribal Police
Saint Peter Police Department
Shakopee Police Department

MISSISSIPPI
Gulf Coast Regional Fugitive Task Force
Gulfport Police Department
Magee Police Department
Narcotics Task Force of Jackson County
US Attorney’s Office, Southern District of Mississippi

MISSOURI
Berkeley Police Department
Joplin Police Department
Kansas City Missouri Police Department
Missouri Department of Corrections
Monett Police Department
Saint Louis County Police Department
St. Charles Police Department
St. Joseph Missouri Police Department
St. Louis County Police Department
St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department

MONTANA
Crossroads Correctional Center
Laurel Police Department
Missoula Police Department
Montana Department of Corrections

NEBRASKA
Bellevue Police Department
City of Gering Police Department
Columbus Police Department
Crete Police Department
Grand Island Police Department
Kearney Police Department
Omaha Police Department

NEVADA
Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department
Washoe County Sheriff’s Office

NEW HAMPSHIRE
Belknap County Sheriff’s Department
Concord Police Department
Keene Police Department
Manchester Police Department
Manchester Weed and Seed Program
Merrimack County Department of Corrections
Nashua Police Department
Somersworth Police Department

NEW JERSEY
Bound Brook Police Department
Essex County Prosecutor’s Office
Kenilworth Police Department
Linden Police Department
Passaic County Sheriff’s Department

NEW MEXICO
Albuquerque Police Department
Catron County Sheriff’s Department
Eddy County Sheriff’s Office
Pueblo of Acoma Police Department

NEW YORK
Dutchess County Sheriff’s Office
Glens Falls Police Department
Nassau County Police Department

NORTH CAROLINA
Duplin County Sheriff’s Office
Durham Police Department
Fayetteville Police Department
Gastonia Police Department
New Hanover County Sheriff
North Carolina Department of Corrections
Shelby Police Department
Wake Forest Police Department

NORTH DAKOTA
Heart of America Correctional and Treatment Center
North Dakota Department of Corrections

OHIO
Akron Police Department
Canton Police Department
Columbus, Ohio Division of Police
Dayton Police Department
Lake Metroparks Ranger Department
Montpelier Police Department
Springfield Ohio Division of Police

OKLAHOMA
Davis Correctional Facility
Eastern Shawnee Tribal Police
North Fork Correctional facility
Oklahoma City Police Department
Oklahoma Department of Corrections
Owasso Police Department

OREGON
Crook County Sheriff’s Office
Portland Police Bureau

PENNSYLVANIA
California University of Pennsylvania Police Department
Cumberland County Prison
Ephrata Police Department
Lackawanna County District Attorney
Lackawanna County Prison
Lancaster County District Attorney
Manheim Borough Police Department
Mifflin County Regional Police Department
Montgomery County Adult Probation & Parole Department
Pennsylvania Capitol Police
Pennsylvania State Police
Philadelphia-Camden HIDTA
Slippery Rock University Police

PUERTO RICO
Metropolitan Detention Center, Guaynabo
Police of Puerto Rico

RHODE ISLAND
Providence Police Department
Rhode Island Department of Corrections

SOUTH CAROLINA
Anderson County Gang Task Force
Bamberg Police Department
Charleston County Sheriff Office
Chester City Police Department
Colleton County Sheriff’s Office
Columbia Police Department
Darlington County Sheriff’s Office
Darlington Police Department
Dorchester County Sheriff’s Office
Florence County Sheriff’s Office
Florence Police Department
Fountain Inn Police Department
Greenwood County Sheriff’s Office
Greenwood Police Department
Greer Police Department
Hampton County Sheriff Office
Hartsville Police Department
Lancaster City Police Department
Lancaster Police Department
Latta Police Department
Lexington Medical Health Services – Public Safety
Palmetto Protection Agency, Inc.
Prosperity Police Department
Rock Hill Police Department
South Carolina Department of Corrections
Spartanburg Public Safety Department
Summerville Police Department
Timmonsville Police Department
West Columbia Police Department

SOUTH DAKOTA
Rapid City Police Department
Tripp County Sheriff’s Office

TENNESSEE
Bradley County Juvenile Detention
Chattanooga Police Department
Coffee County Sheriff’s Department
Columbia Police Department
Cookeville Police Department
Covington Police Department
Fayette County Sheriff’s Department
Franklin Police Department
Hardeman County Correctional Facility
Juvenile Court of Jefferson County
Knoxville Police Department
Metro Nashville Police Department
Oak Ridge Police Department
Rutherford County Sheriff’s Department
Sumner County Sheriff’s Office
Tennessee Bureau of Investigation
Tennessee Department of Correction

TEXAS
Amarillo Police Department
Andrews Department of Public Safety
Austin Police Department
Bastrop County Sheriff’s Office
Baytown Police Department
Bexar County Fire Marshal’s Office
Bosque County Sheriff’s Office
Collin County District Attorney’s Office
Dallas ISD Police & Security
Dallas Police Department Gang Unit
Donna ISD Police Department
El Paso County Sheriff’s Office
Harlingen Police Department
Hays County Juvenile Probation
Hidalgo County Constable – Pct 3
Hidalgo County District Attorney’s Office
Hidalgo County Sheriff’s Office
Hutchinson County Sheriff’s Office
Kenedy County Sheriff Office
Luling Police Department
Maverick County Detention Center
Nacogdoches Police Department
New Caney ISD Police Department
Reagan County Sheriff’s Office
San Antonio Police Department
San Marcos Police Department
Schertz Police Department
Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission
Texas Department of Criminal Justice
Travis County Sheriff’s Office
Texas Department of Public Safety
University of Texas Health Science Center Police

UTAH
West Valley City Police Department

VERMONT
No reporting

VIRGINIA
Abingdon Police Department
Alexandria Police Department
Alexandria Sheriff’s Office
Arlington County Police Department
Bland Correctional Center
Chesapeake Police Department
Chesterfield County Police Department
Chincoteague Police Department
City of Chesapeake Police Department
City of Harrisonburg Police Department
City of Manassas Police Department
Department of Conservation and Recreation
Department of Juvenile Justice
Fairfax County Police Department
Hampton Police Division
Newport News Police Department
Norfolk Police Division
Prince William County Police Department
Richmond Police Department
Staunton Police Department
Suffolk Police Department
Town of Herndon Police Department
Town of Vienna Police Department
Virginia Department of Corrections
Virginia Correctional Center for Women
Virginia Port Authority Police Department
Virginia State Police
Warsaw Probation and Parole Office

WASHINGTON
Everson Police Department
King County Jail
King County Sheriff’s Office
Lynnwood Police Department
Nisqually Indian Tribe
Northwest High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area
Seattle Police Department
Washington State Department of Corrections

WEST VIRGINIA
Eastern Panhandle Potomac Highlands SSTF
Martinsburg Police Department
Philippi Police Department

WISCONSON
Lac Courte Oreilles Tribal Police
Milwaukee Police Department
Wisconsin Department of Corrections

WYOMING
Wyoming Highway Patrol

Endnotes
a Title 18 U.S.C. Section 521(a)(A) defines criminal street gangs as ongoing groups, clubs, organizations, or associations of five or more individuals that have as one of their primary purposes the commission of one or more criminal offenses. Title 18 U.S.C. Section 521(c) further defines such criminal offenses as (1) a federal felony involving a controlled substance; (2) a federal felony crime of violence that has as an element the use or attempted use of physical force against the person of another and (3) a conspiracy to commit an offense described in paragraph (1) or (2).
b
For the purpose of this assessment, OMGs include One Percenter gangs as well as support and puppet clubs.cA juvenile refers to an individual under 18 years of age, although in some states, a juvenile refers to an individual under 16 years of age. A juvenile gang refers to a gang that is primarily comprised of individuals under 18 years of age.dJuggalos are traditionally fans of the musical group the Insane Clown Posse. Arizona, California, Pennsylvania, and Utah are the only US states that recognize Juggalos as a gang.e Alien smuggling involves facilitating the illegal entry of aliens for financial or other tangible benefits. It can involve an individual or a criminal organization. Business relationships typically cease once the individual has reached their destination. Human trafficking involves recruitment, transportation, and harboring of persons through force, fraud, or coercion for labor or services that result in slavery, involuntary servitude, or debt bondage. The business relationship does not end and often becomes exploitative and violent.
f
According to the United Nations, over 90 percent of Mexican migrants illegally entering the United States are assisted by professional smugglers. Although most of the migrants are smuggled in trucks, many have been smuggled by rail, on foot, and tunnels.g For years, gang members used Internet websites to advertise the sale of their victims. However, recently several Internet sites including Craigslist have eliminated their erotic services personal advertisement sections.h MDTOs control up to 80 percent of wholesale cocaine distribution in the United States.
i
Eurasian criminal groups include Albanian, Armenian, Eastern European, and Russian criminal enterprises.
j
Legal mail refers to any correspondence sent to or received from a legal professional. Gang members may disguise their correspondence to resemble legal mail so that it is exempt from inspection.
k
 Gang members leave prison with the knowledge and connections that allow them to identify with a national gang which will garner them greater respect and “street credibility” within their community.l According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the number of Native Americans incarcerated in jails and prisons nationwide increased by approximately 2.5 percent from 2007 to 2008. 
m
US military branches include Army, Air Force, Coast Guard, Marines, Navy, Army Reserves, and National Guard.
n
The US Southwest Border includes the southern borders of California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas.
o
Although some US and local law enforcement officials maintain that violent crime in Southwest Border states has decreased in the past few years, the effects of such violence, including drug trafficking activity and migration patterns of Mexican citizens fleeing the violence in Northern Mexico, are most acutely reflected in the US Southwest Border Region. Furthermore, as the point of entry for the vast majority of illicit drugs that are smuggled into the United States, the Southwest Border Region is most susceptible to any spillover violence.p The Barrio Azteca works for the Juarez Cartel on both the US and Mexican sides of the border.
q
These estimates were derived from the large number of gang members populating social networking Web sites such as the Hoodup.com, Facebook, and MySpace.

 1 US Department of Justice (USDOJ); “Highlights of the 2009 National Youth Gang Survey;” Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention; National Gang Center; May 2011.
2
Open Source News Release; “11 Alleged MS-13 Members Indicted on Racketeering and Other Charges in a Series of Violent Crimes; ICE; 4 May 2011. Open Source Article; “Officials Concerned About Gang Violence in Prince George’s County;” Washington Examiner; available at www.washingtonexaminer.com. 3 USDOJ; “Federal Racketeering Indictment Leads to Arrest of 8 Members, Associates of San Gabriel Valley Street Gang;” Press Release; 8 June 2010; available at www.justice.gov/usao/cac/pressroom/pr/2010/091.html. 4 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.5 NAGIA Quick Guide to Gangs, National Alliance of Gang Investigators Association; April 2010.6 Open Source News Article; “Tips for dealing with Asian Gangs;” Police One; 21 May 2009; available at www.Policeone.com.7 USDOJ; National Drug Threat Assessment 2010; NDIC; February 2010. Open Source News Article, “Pot houses linked to gangs, marijuana dispensaries;” Whittier Daily News; 6 September 2010; available at www.Whittierdailynews.com. Open Source News Article, “Asian Pot Ring Busted, Noted Restaurateur Suspect;” CBS4 Denver; 7 March 2010; available at www.CBS4denver.com.8 Open Source News Article; “Somali Gangs Ran Sex Ring in 3 US States, Authorities Say;” Fox News; 8 November 2010; available at www.foxnews.com. 9 Online news article; “Judge sets $2 million bond in alleged murder, robbery;” Ohio Post; 15 April 2009.10 FBI Indianapolis Division; “Twenty-Two Charged Federally in Evansville Drug Trafficking Case;” Press Release; 4 February 2010; available at http://indianapolis.fbi.gov/dojpressrel/pressrel10/ip020410.htm.11 NAGIA Quick Guide to Gangs; National Alliance of Gang Investigators Association; April 2010.12 Open Source News Article; “Hybrid Gangs responsible for rise in North Las Vegas Crime,” 13 Action News Las Vegas; 25 July 2010; available at http://www.ktnv.com/Global/story.asp;13. 13 Open Source News Article; “Man charged with shooting couple on Maple Valley Trail”; The Seattle Times; 3January 2011; available at http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/theblotter/2013837934_man_charged_with_xx_in_connect.html. 14 Open Source News Article; “Teen gets probation in attacks on homeless;” Gazette-Times; 22 January 2010; available at http://www.gazettetime.com/news/local/article_3b43539a-07ab-11df-b6ae-001cc4c03286.html. 15 US Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE); “8 Arrested as ICE Dismantles Alien Smuggling Ring Linked to Notorious Local Street Gang;” News Release; 14 October 2009; available at www.ice.gov/news/releases/0910/091014losangeles.htm. 16 Open Source Website; Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center (HSTC) Charter and Amendments; available at www.state.gov/m/ds/hstcenter/41444.htm.17 DHS; “29 Charged with Sex Trafficking Juveniles;” ICE; News Release; 8 November 2010; available at www.ice.gov/news/releases/1011/101108nashville.htm. 18 Open News Source Article; “Report Links Street Gangs to Child Prostitution;” KPBS News; 23 November 2010; available at www.kpbs.org/news/2010/nov/09/report-links-street-gangs-child-prostitution. 19 Open Source News Article; Kevin Johnson; USA Today; “Drug Cartels Unite Rival Gangs to Work for Common Bad;” USA Today; 16 March 2010.20 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.21 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.22 Open Source News Article; “Drug Cartels Uniting Rival Gangs;” USA Today; 3 March 2010; available at www.usatoday.com. 23 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.24 Open Source News Article; “US Mexico Drug Gangs Form Alliances;” Washington Times; 26 March 2010; available at www.washingtimes.com. 25 Open Source News Article; Kevin Johnson; “Drug Cartels Unite Rival Gangs to Work for Common Bad;” USA Today; 16 March 2010; available at www.usatoday.com.26 Open Source News Article; “US Mexico Drug Gangs Form Alliances;” Washington Times; 26 March 2010; available at www.washingtontimes.com. 27 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010. Open Source News Article; “US Mexico Drug Gangs Form Alliances;” Washington Times; 26 March 2010; available at www.washingtontimes.com.28 Open Source News Article; “La Familia’ North of the Border;” STRATFOR Global Intelligence; 3 December 2009; available at http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20091203_la_familia_north_border.29 Open Source News Article; “New Jersey Authorities Indict 34 Lucchese Crime Family Bust from ‘Operation Heat’;” New Jersey.com; 14 May 2010. 30 Open Source News Article; “Authorities crack down on transnational Armenian Power crime group;” CNN; 17 February 2011; available at www.cnn.com. 31 Open Source News Article; “N.J. Inmate’s Ordered Killing Shows Danger of Cell Phones in Prison,” http://www.nj.com/news/index.ssf/2010/06/nj_state_prison_inmate_is_char.html; June 11, 2010; Online News Article; “Prosecutor: Trenton prison inmate Anthony Kidd used cell phone to order murder of girlfriend Kendra Degrasse,” http://www.trentonian.com/articles/2010/06/11/news/doc4c11432d64621687151693.txt; June 12, 201032 Open Source News Article; “Prisoner Ordered Hit Outside of Prison With Smuggle Cell Phone;” 13 September 2010; available at http://newsone.com/nation/associatedpress4/prisoner-ordered-hit-outside-of-prison-with-smuggled-cell-phone/.33 Open Source News Article; “Parole Worker Leaked Information to Gang Member;” Fox News New York; 1 November 2010; available at www.myfoxny.com. 34 Open Source News Article; “Former Deputy Headed for Prison;” PE.com; 30 July 2010; available at www.pe.com. 35 Open Source News Article; “Ex-Cop, James Formato, Pleads Guilty in Mob Case;” CBS News Chicago; 25 April 2010; available at www.thechicagosyndicate.com/2010/04/ex-cop-james-formato-pleads-guilty-in.html.36 Online publication; Bureau of Justice Statistics; Jails in Indian Country, 2008; December 2009; available at http://bjs.ojp.usdoj/index.cfm?ty=pbdetails&iid=1748.37 Open Source News Article; “Mexican Pot Gangs Infiltrate Indian Reservations in U.S;” The Wall Street Journal; 5 November 2009; available at http://online.wsj.com/article/SB125736987377028727.html.38 Open Source News Article; “Crunching Numbers in Mexico’s Drug Conflict;” BBC News; 14 January 2011; available at www.bbc.com. 39 Stratfor Global Intelligence Center; “Mexican Drug Wars: Bloodiest Year to Date;” 20 December 2010.40 Open Source News Article; “Napolitano: Border security better than ever;” CBS News; 25 March 2011; http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20047102-503544.html.41 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.42 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.43 Open Source News Article; “Barrio Azteca threat targets law officers;” El Paso Times; 25 March 2010; available at www.elpasotimes.com/ci_14753458. 44 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.45 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.46 USDOJ; “National Drug Threat Assessment 2010;” National Drug Intelligence Center; February 2010.47 Press Release; “Former Marines Arrested on Weapons Charges;” USDOJ; ATF; 8 November 2010.48 Press Release; “Three men, US Navy Seal, Arrested for Unlawfully Trafficking in Machine Guns;” US DOJ; ATF; 4 November 2010.49 Open Source News Article; MSNBC.com, “California Gang Officers Again Targeted by Booby-Trap,”1 March 2010; available at www.msnbc.com. 50 Investigative Consultants; email correspondence; 29 November 2010.51 Investigative Consultants; email correspondence; 29 November 2010. Superior Court of the State of California, County of Los Angeles, Central District; First Amended Complaint for Injunction and Civil Penalties; 15 March 2010.52 Open Source News Article; “Seeing Green;” Baltimore City Paper; 11 August 2010; available at www.citypaper.com. 53 Open Source News Article; “Two Dozen Charged in Alleged Gang-led Mortgage Fraud;” Reuters News; 7 April 2009; available at www.reuters.com. 54 Open Source News Article; “Border Crime Sweep Nets Drugs, 246 Arrests;” Sign On San Diego; 28 March 2011; available at www.signonsandiego.com. 55 FBI; “Violent Border Gang Indicted; Members Charged in Consulate Murders;” News Release; 9 March 2011; available at www.fbi.gov. 56 FBI; “Forty-One Gang Members and Associates in Five Districts Charged with Crimes Including Racketeering, Murder, Drug Trafficking, and Firearms Trafficking;” News Release; 9 February 2011; available at www.fbi.gov.


California State Knife Laws (2017 revision)

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
Unfortunately laws are always complicated and there can be multiple penal codes related to any given issue. On this page I've attempted to collect California State penal codes pertaining to knives and knife carry.

Disclaimer - I am not a lawyer. The following information is for reference only. The discussion and interpretation is my own. So, please keep that in mind. If you need qualified consultation or legal advice, please contact a licensed criminal attorney and/or local Sheriff's office. The discussion is regarding the lawful knife carry, nothing else!

Like I said above, the laws are complicated. In US to make things more complicated we have Federal and State laws, and in addition to that local counties and cities can have their own laws. Which particular law takes priority for any given issue depends on the laws and I guess particular case as well. In relation to knife carry, the state law is generally more or less universal, however, particular cities and towns have their own, as usual more strict laws regarding the knife possession and carry. I'll discuss that below, but as a rule of thumb, just because California state law allows particular blade doesn't mean it is legal in all places. Always check your local town/city penal code. E.g. San Francisco and Oakland have 3" blade length limit, which isn't in the state law. Same is true for Los Angeles.

One more thing to keep in mind is that not all the law enforcement officers know penal code all that well. For starters, if you get asked whether or not you have a knife on you, tell the truth, but better yet, state that you have a blade legal under California law. You may get some problems, because the officer thinks you have violated the law. In other words, LEO doesn't know the knife carry law in details. In that case, better not to argue the point, calmly explain they you believe you're not in violation of the law, that your knife is legal under California law, including citing penal codes we're discussing here and either ask the officer to contact superiors or get the receipt if he/she is confiscating the knife and later contact the department. Aggravating the situation will most likely result in additional charges against you and possible arrest. However, if your piece gets confiscated you must be issued a receipt. If the officer is refusing to do so(i.e. issue a receipt) or threatening with additional problems he's in the wrong, not you. Without confrontation, ask for the receipt and if he(or she) still refuses, write down his/her badge number, name, time and place where the incident took place and report it to the nearest police station. For more details on dealing with law enforcement and various situations involving knives including their use please visit Jim March's excellent article California Knife Laws: A Comprehensive Guide.

Knife Carry Related Laws 2012 revisions - In 2012 California state legislature revised penal code. In short, no major changes to the knife carry laws, however the numbers to the existing penal codes have been changed completely. California penal code has several sections interesting to us in this discussion: sections 16100-17360 (formerly 653K), and pretty much everything under Part 6/Title 3/Division 5 (all formerly under 12020). Basically many types of knives got their own sections in definition and carry law parts. Sections 171.b and 626.10 remain unchanged.
16100-17360 - Since 2012, belongs to the Part 6 - Control Of Deadly Weapons, Title 1 - General Provisions, Division 2 - Definitions; Old 653K is completely removed.
Chapter 6 of PC - Since 2012 covers Deadly Weapons, where Title 3 covers - Weapons And Devices Other Than Firearms, and the parts we're specifically interested in are under Division 5 - Knives And Similar Weapons, which in turn contains several chapters, including dedicated articles to several types of knives under Chapter 2 - Disguised Or Misleading Appearance;
Penal code Part 6/Title 3/Division 5 - Defines what is a legal pocket knife and what is illegal, by types, e.g. a switchblade and gravity or ballisong knife(PC 17235). Pocket knives, most likely those would be the folding knives are legal, while switchblades, gravity and ballisong knives are illegal.
PC 16470 - Deals with the street carry laws. Basically, you can not carry a dirk or a dagger, definitions below, and more importantly, can't carry folding knife in open/locked position - ...only if the blade of the knife is exposed and locked into position. Therefore folders, carried closed and concealed are legal. No length limitation.
PC 21510 - deals strictly with switchblades, making it a misdemeanor to carry upon a person, or possess in a car, or in a public place, sell, loan, transfer, give, expose for sale, a switchblade knife.
There are other penal codes dealing with knife carry in specific places. Those are: penal code 626.10 which deals with the knife school carry rules. There is also penal code 171.b which deals with the knives in public buildings.

Simply put, the law defines what is illegal, so if your knife and carry isn't what the law defines as illegal you should be fine. Once again, keep in mind the local laws. Details below.

Very Short Summary

State California allows for concealed carry of the folding knives and there is no limit to the blade length. As long as the knife is not banned by PC 16100-17360 or in Part 6/Title 3/Division 5, it is legal. Division 6 of the same title bans knuckles, division 7 bans nunchakus and so on. 17235 does not make Assisted Openers(AO) illegal. However, depending on the particular AO mechanism and other details some AOs may fall under switchblade category. Kershaw Speed Safe is not one of them, it is perfectly legal, details further down. As far as the state law goes, fixed blades must be carried openly, in the sheath, on the waist. I can't find where does the law ban either double edged blades or dirks and daggers. As the wording is, those are ok for open carry. No knives longer than 2.5"in the school, but folders are ok in the Universities and Colleges, unless, they were banned by local authorities. CCR(California Code Of Regulations) has a separate provision prohibitins any non employee and non student from carying any knife with a locking blade, dirks, daggers etc, and anything that can be used to inflict serious bodily injury. Needless to say it's way too vague, although if you had aforementioned dangerous object on you to do your lawful work, then you're ok. No knives longer than 4" in public buildings or buildings open to public meetings, e.g. courts, city halls, police stations, city council meetings, etc.

Penal Codes


PC 20200 - Defines open carry as A knife carried in a sheath that is worn openly suspended from the waist of the wearer is not concealed within the meaning of Section 16140, 16340, 17350, or 21310. The handle shouldn't be covered by clothing.
Part 6/Title 3/Division 5 - Defines legal and illegal pocket knives. Full text of the penal code 17235. The most interesting part of the penal code is the following definition of the switchblade knives:
As used in this part, "switchblade knife" means a knife having the appearance of a pocketknife and includes a spring-blade knife, snap-blade knife, gravity knife, or any other similar type knife, the blade or blades of which are two or more inches in length and which can be released automatically by a flick of a button, pressure on the handle, flip of the wrist or other mechanical device, or is released by the weight of the blade or by any type of mechanism whatsoever.

Basically, this section outlaws switchblades, or automatic knives, plus ballisongs, or butterfly knives. Also whatever else can be opened with the flick of the wrist. However, there are lots of legitimate knives that also fall under that category. Next section clarifies that part:

"Switchblade knife" does not include a knife that opens with one hand utilizing thumb pressure applied solely to the blade of the knife or a thumb stud attached to the blade, provided that the knife has a detent or other mechanism that provides resistance that must be overcome in opening the blade, or that biases the blade back toward its closed position.

The paragraph above was added to the PC 17235 (to the original 653K) thanks to SB 274, or Karnette amendment(California state Senator Betty Karnette of the 27th district introduced it in 2002). This is an important clause that makes legal regular folding knives which can be opened with one hand. The knife must have some sort of thumbstud to move the blade into the open position and has to have some sort of mechanism to keep it in the closed position and provide some sort of resistance to overcome when opening it. For the record, a thumbstud doesn't necessarily has to be affixed to the side(s) of the blade, but can be on the top like on Kershaw Shallots.

Kershaw Speed Safe AO - The Karnette amendment is also what makes Kershaw Speed Safe assisted opening knives perfectly legal in California. Speed Safe satisfies 3 conditions instead of minimum two, not to be a switchblade, i.e. it has a thumbstud on the blade, which the knife operator has to push to open the knife, second Kershaw AOs have a detent, and just those two would be enough to comply switchblade law, but the torsion bar of the Speed Safe mechanism also forces the blade to stay in closed position, i.e. provides bias towards locked position.

Blade Length Limit - As you can see there is no length limit ever mentioned in this code. So, normally unless there is a specific law restricting the blade length in any given local area, you can carry folding knives of pretty much any length, not outlawed in 16100-17360 or in Part 6/Title 3/Division 5.

Part 6/Title 3/Division 5 - Deals with knife carry and prohibits several types of knives. It is way too long to cite it here completely, thus only the most relevant parts here. For The reference - full text of the penal code Part 6, Title 3.
General - Division 5 and subsequent divisions outlaw several types of knives and other weapons/devices. Violating any of the rules carries out the same punishment: is punishable by imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding one year or in the state prison.. I.e. same penalty for Lipstick, Undetectable, Belt buckle knives, etc.

Division 5 of Title 3 of Part 6 prohibits and bans several different types of knives, before 2012 they were all in the same section(12020), listed by name:
Old version in section 12020, pre 2012 - (1) Manufactures or causes to be manufactured, imports into the state, keeps for sale, or offers or exposes for sale, or who gives, lends, or possesses ... any ballistic knife, ... any belt buckle knife, any lipstick case knife, any cane sword, any shobi-zue, any air gauge knife, any writing pen knife, ...
After 2012 each type listed above got its own article under Division 5, including 1 year prison punishment.
So, not only you can't carry, but you can't even posses any of the listed in above. Some of it makes sense, some not so much. The section 22210 bans slungshots, but slingshots are ok. Half of those things are most likely unknown to general public and probably knife enthusiastas as well. For your information, Shurikens are also included in Division 9 of the Title 3, section 22410-22490. They are not exactly knives, but still edged weapons. Ok, moving on.

PC 21310 - any person in this state who carries concealed upon the person any dirk or dagger is punishable by imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding one year or in the state prison - We'll go through definitions later, but this one says no to concealed dirks and daggers. By the way as this one is, it doesn't prohibit them, just states they have to be carried openly, on the waist as we saw open carry definition. Sad part is that dirk (and dagger) definition in the law, see Dirk Or Dagger in PC 16100-17360 definitions, covers pretty much anything, because ready use as a stabbing weapon that may inflict great bodily injury or death applies to the screwdrives and pens just as well. And those things do get used in crimes as a stabbing weapon.
Ref - Definitions of terms in Penal Code Part 6/Title 3/Division 5

171.b - Tells you what you can and can not carry in public buildings and meetings. For the reference - Full Text Of Penal Code 171. 171.b starts with:
(a) Any person who brings or possesses within any state or local public building or at any meeting required to be open to the public pursuant to Chapter 9 (commencing with Section 54950) of Part 1 of Division 2 of Title 5 of, or Article 9 (commencing with Section 11120) of Chapter 1 of Part 1 of Division 3 of Title 2 of, the Government Code, any of the following is guilty of a public offense punishable by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than one year, or in the state prison:
   (1) Any firearm.
   (2) Any deadly weapon described in Section 653k or 12020.
   (3) Any knife with a blade length in excess of four inches, the blade of which is fixed or is capable of being fixed in an unguarded position by the use of one or two hands.
...
Thus no knives longer than 4" in state and public buildings. Exact definition of the state or local public meeting and open to public buildings can be found in 171.b(c). In short, those are state or local government owned or leased buildings such as courts, police stations, city halls, etc. Meetings mean wherever those officials get together to conduct regular or irregular work, e.g. city council meetings.
626.10 - As stated above defines knives school carry. Again, this one is way too big. For the reference - full text of the penal code 626.10. Subdivision a prohibits you can not bring a fixed blade knife longer than 2.5", a folding knife, ice pick, etc to the school. Subdivision b is pretty much identical, applies to universities and colleges, same restrictions, but folding knives are ok. Subdivisions c, d, e, f make exemptions. E.g. Knives for food preparation and other work places are ok. Students can bring knives if directed so by school or university employees. Subdivision a is below:
(a) Any person, except a duly appointed peace officer as defined in Chapter 4.5 (commencing with Section 830) of Title 3 of Part 2, a full-time paid peace officer of another state or the federal government who is carrying out official duties while in this state, a person summoned by any officer to assist in making arrests or preserving the peace while the person is actually engaged in assisting any officer, or a member of the military forces of this state or the United States who is engaged in the performance of his or her duties, who brings or possesses any dirk, dagger, ice pick, knife having a blade longer than 2 1/2 inches, folding knife with a blade that locks into place, a razor with an unguarded blade, a taser, or a stun gun, as defined in subdivision (a) of Section 244.5, any instrument that expels a metallic projectile such as a BB or a pellet, through the force of air pressure, CO 2 pressure, or spring action, or any spot marker gun, upon the grounds of, or within, any public or private school providing instruction in kindergarten or any of grades 1 to 12, inclusive, is guilty of a public offense, punishable by imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding one year, or by imprisonment in the state prison.

Ref - Definitions of terms in Penal Code 171b

California Code of Regulations

CCR is a bit more complicated. By definition it is: The California Code of Regulations (CCR), is the official compilation and publication of the regulations adopted, amended or repealed by state agencies pursuant to the Administrative Procedure Act (APA). Properly adopted regulations that have been filed with the Secretary of State have the force of law. In practice, it's quite difficult to tell who or which agency proposed what, and what if it conflicts with other laws. Still, let's have a look at the provision we're interested in. My sincere thanks to the reader who brought this CCR provision to my attention.

Title 5/Division 10/Chapter 1/S 100015 - Specifically deals with non-affiliates in buildings and on the grounds of the University of California, violation of which is a misdemeanor. Since the online page won't link directly I'll quote most of the section:
No non-affiliate shall, on University property, carry upon his/her person or have in his/her possession or under his/her control any Dangerous Weapon. For purposes of this Section, "Dangerous Weapon" means and includes, but is not limited to:
A. Any firearm in violation of the Gun-Free School Zone Act of 1995, California Penal Code section 626.9.
B. Any knife having a blade two and one-half inches or more in length.
C. Any folding knife with a blade that locks into place.
D. Any ice pick or similar sharp tool that can be used as a stabbing implement capable of inflicting serious bodily injury.
E. Any razor with an unguarded blade.
F. Any cutting, stabbing or bludgeoning weapon or device capable of inflicting serious bodily injury.
G. Any dirk or dagger.
H. Any taser, stun gun, or other similar electronic device.
I. Any instrument that expels a metallic projectile such as a BB or a pellet, through the force of air pressure, CO2 pressure, or spring action, or any spot marker gun.
And then there's another interesting part: This section shall not apply if, at the time of the alleged violation, the instrument or device alleged to be a Dangerous Weapon was in good faith carried upon the person or in his/her custody or control for use in his/her lawful occupation or employment.

Summary - All of the above means that unless you are an employee or a student of the University of California, you can not carry any fixed blades or any locking knives. Non locking knives are also prohibited, as they fall under section F. Unfortunately, F is so vaguely phrased that it can cover pens, pencils baseball bats, bricks and whatever else. However, if you are able to prove that you had any of those dangerous objects to do your lawful work, then none of the above applies.
Related Information:

California Penal Code
Bladeforums Knife Laws Subforum
California Knife Laws: A Comprehensive Guide by Jim March
SB 274 Analysis
AKTI On California Knife Law
Spring Assisted Knife Laws
Last updated - 12/9/16

Ten Most Notorious Outlaw Biker Gangs...............

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
BY: William J. Felchner
VIDEO,
http://youtu.be/CWNmCnyjUEA
Source: factoidz.com
USA - The outlaw biker gang can trace its origins to the period after World War II where returning veterans and other roadies began to organize themselves in clubs, pining for the freedom, action and nonconformity that the motorcycle offered. One of the seminal events in outlaw biker history was "The Hollister Riot," which took place over the July Fourth 1947 holiday weekend in Hollister, California, where some 4,000 motorcycle enthusiasts invaded the small town. The ensuing ruckus was later sensationalized in the July 21, 1947, issue of Life magazine, marking a famous milestone in biker history.
The Hollister Gypsy Tour, as the event was billed, included the Boozefighters, a South Central Los Angeles motorcycle club founded in 1946 by World War II vet William "Wino Willie" Forkner (1921-1997). Forkner reveled in his reputation as a biker hellraiser, and reportedly served as the inspiration for Lee Marvin's Chino character in Columbia Pictures' The Wild One (1953), which also starred Marlon Brando as bad boy Johnny Strabler, leader of the fictional Black Rebels.

Here are ten notorious outlaw biker gangs that rule the road in biker history. These are the so-called "1%ers," the bikers who operate out of the mainstream as compared to the other 99% of motorcyclists who abide by the law and norms of society. Kick start your engines and show your colors…

Hells Angels (1948-present)

Unarguably the best-known outlaw biker gang in history, Hells Angels owes its name to World War II and possibly the 1930 Howard Hughes movie of the same name. During Big Two, there did exist the United States Army Air Forces 303rd Heavy Bombardment Group (H) of the U.S. 8th Air Force which billed itself as Hell's Angels, flying B-17 combat missions out of Molesworth, England, from 1942-45.

Hells Angels was formed in the Fontana/San Bernardino, California, area on March 17, 1948 as an offshoot of the Pissed Off Bastards of Bloomington, a California motorcycle club founded in 1945 by American veterans of the air war. Other independent chapters of Hells Angels later sprouted up in Oakland, Gardena and San Francisco.

Hells Angels eventually spread its wings, with the club now sporting charters in 29 countries, including Canada, Brazil, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Portugal, Russia, Greece, Denmark, France, Turkey and the Dominican Republic.The Hells Angels insignia is the infamous "death's head," designed by Frank Sadilek, a former president of the San Francisco chapter.

Both American and Canadian law enforcement have labeled the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club (HAMC) a crime syndicate, asserting that its members routinely engage in drug trafficking, extortion and violence. Hells Angels garnered notoriety at the Altamont Free Concert on December 6, 1969, when they were hired by the Rolling Stones to act as stage security. Mayhem ensued at the drug/alcohol fueled event that boasted of a crowd of 300,000, with four people losing their lives.

Mongols (1969-present)

The Mongols was founded on December 5, 1969 in Montebello, California, by Hispanic veterans of the Vietnam War. Reportedly denied membership in Hells Angels because of their race, the Mongols eventually branched out, currently boasting of chapters in 14 states and four foreign countries.

Law enforcement has classified the Mongols as a criminal enterprise, engaging in loan sharking, drug trafficking, racketeering, theft and murder for hire. ATF agent William Queen, using the alias Billy St. John, successfully infiltrated the Mongols in 1998, resulting in 53 Mongol convictions.

The Mongols and their hated rivals Hells Angels engaged in an infamous brawl and gunfight at Harrah's Casino in Laughlin, Nevada, in 2002. When the smoke had cleared, one Mongol and two Hells Angels lay dead on the casino floor.

Pagans (1959-present)

Lou Dobkins, a biochemist at the National Institute of Health, founded the Pagans in Prince George's County, Maryland, in 1959. By the late 1960s, the Pagans were the dominant biker club on the East Coast, riding British Triumph motorcycles (later traded in for Harley Davidsons) and sporting their distinctive patch depicting the Norse fire god Sutr wielding a flaming sword.

The Pagans currently operate in eleven states, with Delaware County, Pennsylvania, serving as their Mother chapter. American law enforcement has classified the Pagans as a criminal enterprise, engaging in a host of illegal activities, including gun running, drug trafficking, arson, methamphetamine production and distribution, prostitution, racketeering and murder for hire.

In 2002, the Pagans and Hells Angels clashed at the Hellraiser Ball in Long Island, New York, where ten people were wounded and one Pagan was allegedly shot and killed by a Hells Angels member. Three years later, the Vice President of the Hells Angels Philadelphia chapter was killed by gunfire while driving his truck on the Schuylkill Expressway, with the Pagans allegedly carrying out the hit.

Outlaws (1935-present)

The Outlaws can trace their history back to 1935 when the McCook Outlaws Motorcycle Club was formed out of Matilda's Bar on old Route 66 in McCook, Illinois. In the ensuing years, the club morphed into the McCook Outlaws, the Chicago Outlaws and the American Outlaws Association (A.O.A.). Their first out of state chapter came in Florida in 1967. In 1977, the Canadian biker gang Satan's Choice joined the Outlaws franchise, making it the first chapter outside of the United States. Today, the Outlaws are active in some 14 states, with international chapters in the United Kingdom, Australia, France, Germany, Sweden, Thailand, Norway, Poland, the Philippines, et al.

The Outlaws sport a distinctive patch comprised of a skull and crossed pistons. Their official motto, adopted in 1969, is "God forgives, Outlaws don't."

Law enforcement has categorized the Outlaws as an organized crime syndicate, engaging in drug trafficking, murder, extortion and prostitution. The Outlaws have had their run-ins with police and other biker gangs. In 2007, Outlaws member Frank Rego Vital was shot and killed outside the Crazy Horse Saloon in Forest Park, Georgia, by two Renegades motorcycle club members who had reportedly acted in self-defense.

Bandidos (1966-present)

The Bandidos was founded by Marine Corps and Vietnam War veteran Don Chambers in San Leon, Texas, in 1966. The club's official motto is "We are the people our parents warned us about," with a big Mexican in sombrero brandishing a machete and pistol adorning the club's distinctive patch. The Bandidos currently boast of 104 chapters in the United States, along with international chapters in Germany, Australia, Denmark, France, Italy, Spain, Sweden, Norway, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, Costa Rica, Belgium and the Channel Islands.

Law enforcement has classified the Bandidos as an organized crime syndicate, engaging in murder, drug trafficking, money laundering, extortion, gun running and witness tampering. From 1994 to 1997 the so-called "Great Nordic Biker War" was waged in Scandinavia pitting Bandidos versus Hells Angels in a bloody turf war that resulted in eleven murders. Vagos (1965-present)

Originally called the Psychos, Vagos was formed in Temescal Valley, California, in 1965. The club's distinctive green/red patch pictures the Norse god Loki straddling a motorcycle. Vagos currently operates mainly in the southwestern United States and northern Mexico.

Both the FBI and the ATF consider Vagos an outlaw biker gang, engaging in drug trafficking, gun running, auto theft, money laundering and murder. In 2002, however, Vagos members turned in the estranged wife of a Pomona, California, police detective who had attempted to hire a Vagos hit man to murder her husband.

Law enforcement has successfully conducted several undercover investigations of Vagos and their illegal activities. In 2004, authorities arrested 26 Vagos members/associates and seized $125,000 in cash, drugs and weapons.

Pennsylvania Warlocks (1967-present)/Florida Warlocks (1967-present)

The Pennsylvania Warlocks was founded in Philadelphia in February 1967. The club's distinctive patch features the Harpy, the legendary winged beast from Greek mythology. The Pennsylvania Warlocks boast of chapters in New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, Florida, Minnesota and Massachusetts. The Pennsylvania Warlocks have been linked to organized crime and methamphetamine production and distribution.

The Florida Warlocks was founded by U.S. Navy veteran Tom "Grub" Freeland in Orlando, Florida, in 1967. The club's logo is a blazing eagle while their official motto is "To find us you must be good. To catch us…you must be fast. To beat us…you must be kidding!" The Florida Warlocks have chapters in South Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, New York, the United Kingdom and Germany. The Florida Warlocks were successfully infiltrated by the ATF in 1991 and again in 2003, with convictions for drug and weapon charges resulting from the latter.

Sons of Silence (1966-present)

The Sons of Silence was founded in Niwot, Colorado, in 1966. The club sports a distinctive patch featuring the American Eagle superimposed over a large "A"– highly reminiscent of the Anheuser-Busch logo. The gang's official motto is "Donec mors non separat"– Latin for "Until death separates us."

The Sons of Silence boast of chapters in Illinois, Wyoming, Arkansas, Florida, Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, Kentucky, North Dakota, Mississippi and Germany. The Sons of Silence have been implicated in drug trafficking and weapons violations.

Highwaymen (1954-present)

The Highwaymen was established in Detroit, Michigan, in 1954. The club's distinctive patch features a winged skeleton sporting a leather jacket, motorcycle cap and the black and silver colors. "Highwaymen forever, forever Highwaymen" serves as the gang's official motto.

The Highwaymen currently have chapters in Michigan, Tennessee, Florida, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana and Norway. The Highwaymen Motorcycle Club has been the subject of intense law enforcement scrutiny through the years. In 2007, the FBI arrested 40 Detroit Highwaymen members/associates on a variety of charges, including drug trafficking, theft, racketeering, insurance fraud, police corruption and murder for hire.

Gypsy Joker (1956-present)

The Gypsy Joker was founded in San Francisco, California, on April 1, 1956. The club's official patch features a grinning skull. Forced out of San Francisco by Hells Angels, the Gypsy Joker headed north to Oregon and Washington state in the late 1960s.

The Gypsy Joker has some 35 chapters worldwide, including active clubs in Australia, Germany, South Africa and Norway. The club is especially high profile in Australia, where in 2009 five Gypsy Jokers engaged in a drug-related shootout with a rival "bikie" gang (as they are called Down Under) in Perth.

Ten More Notorious Outlaw Biker Gangs

Here are ten more infamous biker gangs, along with where established and years active.

•Free Souls (Eugene, Oregon, 1968-present) •The Breed (Asbury Park, New Jersey, 1965-present) •Rebels (Brisbane, Australia, 1969-present) •Grim Reapers (Calgary, Canada, 1967-1997) •Iron Horsemen (Cincinnati, Ohio, mid-1960s-present) •The Finks (Adelaide, Australia, 1969-present) •Brother Speed (Boise, Idaho, 1969-present) •Devils Diciples (Fontana, California, 1967-present) •Solo Angeles (Tijuana, Mexico, 1959-present) •Diablos (San Bernardino, California, 1964-present) About William J. Felchner William J. Felchner's many feature articles have appeared in such periodicals as True West, Hot Rod, Movie Collector's World, Sports Collectors Digest, Persimmon Hill, Big Reel, Corvette Quarterly, Old West, Antiques & Auction News, Storyboard, Goldmine, Autograph Collector, Warman's Today's Collector, The Paper & Advertising Collectors'
Frontier Times, Television History, Illinois and Military Trader.

1%er defined - One Percenters, Gangs and Outlaws.

$
0
0
1%er defined

NOTE: This is the defininition given in Wiki-pedia, if you belive anything to be an error, please e-mail us and we will check it out.
One Percenters, Gangs and Outlaws.

Motorcycle clubs are often perceived as criminal organizations or, at best, gangs of hoodlums or thugs by traditional society. This perception has been fueled by the movies, popular culture, and highly publicized isolated incidents, the earliest of which was a brawl in Hollister, California in 1947 between members of the Boozefighters MC (motto: a drinking club with a motorcycle problem) and the Pissed Off Bastards MC (precursor to the Hells Angels).
The press asked the American Motorcyclist Association (AMA) to comment, and their response was that 99% of motorcyclists were law-abiding citizens, and the last one percent were outlaws. Thus was born the term, "one percenter".

During the 1940's and 1950's, at rallies and gatherings sponsored by the AMA, prizes were awarded for nicest club uniform, prettiest motorcycle, and so forth. Some clubs, however, rejected the clean-cut image and adopted the "one percenter" moniker, even going so far as to create a diamond (rhombus) shaped patch labeled "1%" to wear on their vests as a badge of honor.

The 1% patch is also used to instill fear and respect from the general public and other motorcyclists. Other clubs wore (and still wear) upside down AMA patches.

*Another practice was to cut their one piece club patches into three or more pieces as a form of protest, which evolved into the current form of three piece colors worn by many MCs today.
One percent clubs point out that the term simply means that they are simply committed to "biking and brotherhood", where riding isn't a weekend activity, but a way of living. These clubs assert that local and national law enforcement agencies have co-opted the term to paint them as criminals.

While it is a fact that individual members of some MCs, and even entire chapters have engaged in felonious behavior, other members and supporters of these clubs insist that these are isolated occurrences and that the clubs, as a whole, are not criminal organizations. They often compare themselves to police departments, wherein the occasional "bad cop" does not make a police department a criminal organization, either.

At least one biker website has a news section devoted to "cops gone bad" to support their point of view.
Many one percenter clubs, including the Hells Angels, sponsor charitable events throughout the year for such causes as Salvation Army shelters and Toys for Tots.


Alternatively, both the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Criminal Intelligence Service Canada (CISC) have designated certain MCs as Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs (OMGs), among them the Pagans, Hells Angels, Outlaws MC, and Bandidos.

Canada, especially, has experienced a significant upsurge in crime involving members and associates of these MCs, most notably in what has been dubbed the Quebec Biker war.
Some members of the Hells Angels MC have been indicted on various charges, including RICO charges, murder, robbery, extortion, trafficking in stolen and VIN-switched motorcycles, methamphetamine and cocaine distribution.

In April, 2006, eight members or associates of the Bandidos MC were found murdered in a farm field in Ontario, Canada in what police have described as an internal cleansing of the Bandidos organization. One of the men charged with the murders is, himself, a Bandidos MC full patch member.

As recently as September 29, 2006, the president and another officer of the San Francisco chapter of the Hells Angels were indicted on charges of methamphetamine and cocaine distribution.


CALIFORNIA - SB-1: Gas Tax Increase/NEW $100 Vehicle Registration Fee and More Taxes.

$
0
0
OFF THE WIRE
COMMENT.
Your head is going to explode when you read what's in this CA Senate Transportation bill. This state is in serious financial trouble and our current politicians have the audacity to try to dig themselves out of their self made hole on the backs of CA taxpayers without taking any responsibility or considering how we feel about...well..anything. Then after they bury all of us, they will most likely send us a bill. Taxifornia is too gentle a word to describe it.

THANKS BOBBY

I thought we threw gray Davis out of office for these kind of shenanigans! This Bill does nothing for highways it's deals most of money and put it into Jerry Brown's pet projects! Jerry's rich friends, who can afford to drive electric cars will only pay $100 A year in road fees whenever they register the vehicle. The rest of us we get to pay substantially higher gasoline tax on every gallon we burn, which if you figure it out will be several thousand dollars per vehicle a year . The registration on my car went up $63 this year, used to be the older your car got the less it paid for registration fees. Also in this bill they want to return the gasoline tax to 2010 which was the highest we ever had, and the highest in the nation, and then toss their additional $.13 per gallon on top of that! This bill must be struck down! Jerry Brown and all his minions must be recalled! Book them out of office! Now! Was listening to talk radio last night and someone brought up California's newest game when you sell a house, they're assuming that you are probably leaving the state, so the idea floating around is a 28% exit tax! That's right folks and exit tax, now they want to Texas for leaving their wonderful socialist Paradise!

THANKS STEVE

By Stephen Frank
The new budget of Guv Brown includes a 42% increase in gas taxes and a $65 dollar increase in the vehicle registration fee.  Democrats love taxes—lot of them.  The so-called “moderate” State Senator Bob Hertzberg has a bill to increase gas taxes 12 cents a gallon, a  $38 increase for in vehicle registration fees for regular cars and a $100 vehicle registration increase for cars with zero emissions.
The goal is not to fix our roads, they have plenty of money for that.  No, if they stopped using gas taxes for bike lanes, walking and horse trails, trains and buses, we would be able to fix our roads and streets.  Instead the Brown and Hertzberg taxes are meant to penalize the poor and middle class—making car ownership too expensive—forcing folks onto money and time losing trains and other government transportation—to control how and where we live, work and play.
SB-1 is one of the long line of Democrat tax increases—thought you should know it exists.
Tax
Senate Bill No. 1
Introduced by Senator Beall
(Coauthors: Senators Dodd, Hertzberg, Hill, McGuire, Mendoza, Monning, Wieckowski, and Wiener)
December 05, 2016
An act to amend Sections 13975, 14500, 14526.5, and 16965 of, to add Sections 14033, 14110, 14526.7, and 16321 to, to add Part 5.1 (commencing with Section 14460) to Division 3 of Title 2 of, and to repeal Section 14534.1 of, the Government Code, to amend Section 39719 of the Health and Safety Code, to amend Section 21080.37 of, and to add and repeal Division 13.6 (commencing with Section 21200) to, of, the Public Resources Code, to amend Section 99312.1 of the Public Utilities Code, to amend Sections 6051.8, 6201.8, 7360, 8352.4, 8352.5, 8352.6, and 60050 of the Revenue and Taxation Code, to amend Sections 183.1, 2192, and 2192.2 of, to add Sections 820.1, 2103.1, and 2192.4 to, and to add Chapter 2 (commencing with Section 2030) to Division 3 of, the Streets and Highways Code, and to add Sections 9250.3, 9250.6, and 9400.5 to the Vehicle Code, relating to transportation, making an appropriation therefor, and declaring the urgency thereof, to take effect immediately.
LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL’S DIGEST
SB 1, as amended, Beall. Transportation funding.
(1) Existing law provides various sources of funding for transportation purposes, including funding for the state highway system and the local street and road system. These funding sources include, among others, fuel excise taxes, commercial vehicle weight fees, local transactions and use taxes, and federal funds. Existing law imposes certain registration fees on vehicles, with revenues from these fees deposited in the Motor Vehicle Account and used to fund the Department of Motor Vehicles and the Department of the California Highway Patrol. Existing law provides for the monthly transfer of excess balances in the Motor Vehicle Account to the State Highway Account.
This bill would create the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Program to address deferred maintenance on the state highway system and the local street and road system. The bill would require the California Transportation Commission to adopt performance criteria, consistent with a specified asset management plan, to ensure efficient use of certain funds available for the program. The bill would provide for the deposit of various funds for the program in the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Account, which the bill would create in the State Transportation Fund, including revenues attributable to a $0.12 per gallon increase, phased in over 3 years, in the motor vehicle fuel (gasoline) tax imposed by the bill with an inflation adjustment, as provided, an increase of $38 in the annual vehicle registration fee with an inflation adjustment, as provided, a new $100 annual vehicle registration fee with an inflation adjustment, as provided, applicable to zero-emission motor vehicles, as defined, and certain miscellaneous revenues described in (7) below that are not restricted as to expenditure by Article XIX of the California Constitution.
This bill would annually set aside $200,000,000 of the funds available for the program to fund road maintenance and rehabilitation purposes in counties that have sought and received voter approval of taxes or that have imposed fees, including uniform developer fees, as defined, which taxes or fees are dedicated solely to transportation improvements. These funds would be continuously appropriated for allocation pursuant to guidelines to be developed by the California Transportation Commission in consultation with local agencies. The bill would require $80,000,000 of the funds available for the program to be annually transferred to the State Highway Account for expenditure on the Active Transportation Program. The bill would require $30,000,000 of the funds available for the program in each of 4 fiscal years beginning in 2017–18 to be transferred to the Advance Mitigation Fund created by the bill pursuant to (12) below. The bill would continuously appropriate $2,000,000 annually of the funds available for the program to the California State University for the purpose of conducting transportation research and transportation-related workforce education, training, and development. The bill would require the remaining funds available for the program to be allocated 50% for maintenance of the state highway system or to the state highway operation and protection program and 50% to cities and counties pursuant to a specified formula. The bill would impose various requirements on the department and agencies receiving these funds. The bill would authorize a city or county to spend its apportionment of funds under the program on transportation priorities other than those allowable pursuant to the program if the city’s or county’s average Pavement Condition Index meets or exceeds 80.
The bill would also require the department to annually identify savings achieved through efficiencies implemented at the department and to propose, from the identified savings, an appropriation to be included in the annual Budget Act of up to $70,000,000 from the State Highway Account for expenditure on the Active Transportation Program.
(2) Existing law establishes in state government the Transportation Agency, which includes various departments and state entities, including the California Transportation Commission. Existing law vests the California Transportation Commission with specified powers, duties, and functions relative to transportation matters. Existing law requires the commission to retain independent authority to perform the duties and functions prescribed to it under any provision of law.
This bill would exclude the California Transportation Commission from the Transportation Agency, establish it as an entity in state government, and require it to act in an independent oversight role. The bill would also make conforming changes.
(3) Existing law creates various state agencies, including the Department of Transportation, the High-Speed Rail Authority, the Department of the California Highway Patrol, the Department of Motor Vehicles, and the State Air Resources Board, with specified powers and duties. Existing law provides for the allocation of state transportation funds to various transportation purposes.
This bill would create the Office of the Transportation Inspector General in state government, as an independent office that would not be a subdivision of any other government entity, to ensure that all of the above-referenced state agencies and all other state agencies expending state transportation funds are operating efficiently, effectively, and in compliance with federal and state laws. The bill would provide for the Governor to appoint the Transportation Inspector General for a 6-year term, subject to confirmation by the Senate, and would provide that the Transportation Inspector General may not be removed from office during the term except for good cause. The bill would specify the duties and responsibilities of the Transportation Inspector General and would require an annual report to the Legislature and Governor.
This bill would require the department to update the Highway Design Manual to incorporate the “complete streets” design concept by January 1, 2018. The bill would require the department to develop a plan by January 1, 2020, to increase by 100% the dollar value of contracts awarded to small businesses, disadvantaged business enterprises, and disabled veteran business enterprises.
(4) Existing law provides for loans of revenues from various transportation funds and accounts to the General Fund, with various repayment dates specified.
This bill would require the Department of Finance, on or before March 1, 2017, to compute the amount of outstanding loans made from specified transportation funds. The bill would require the Department of Transportation to prepare a loan repayment schedule and would require the outstanding loans to be repaid pursuant to that schedule, as prescribed. The bill would appropriate funds for that purpose from the Budget Stabilization Account. The bill would require the repaid funds to be transferred, pursuant to a specified formula, to cities and counties and to the department for maintenance of the state highway system and for purposes of the state highway operation and protection program.
(5) The Highway Safety, Traffic Reduction, Air Quality, and Port Security Bond Act of 2006 (Proposition 1B) created the Trade Corridors Improvement Fund and provided for allocation by the California Transportation Commission of $2 billion in bond funds for infrastructure improvements on highway and rail corridors that have a high volume of freight movement and for specified categories of projects eligible to receive these funds. Existing law continues the Trade Corridors Improvement Fund in existence in order to receive revenues from sources other than the bond act for these purposes.
This bill would deposit the revenues attributable to a $0.20 per gallon increase in the diesel fuel excise tax imposed by the bill into the Trade Corridors Improvement Fund. The bill would require revenues apportioned to the state from the national highway freight program established by the federal Fixing America’s Surface Transportation Act to be allocated for trade corridor improvement projects approved pursuant to these provisions.
Existing law requires the commission, in determining projects eligible for funding, to consult various state freight and regional infrastructure and goods movement plans and the statewide port master plan.
This bill would revise the list of plans to be consulted by the commission in prioritizing projects for funding. The bill would also expand eligible projects to include, among others, rail landside access improvements, landside freight access improvements to airports, and certain capital and operational improvements. The bill would identify specific amounts to be allocated from available federal funds to certain categories of projects.
(6) Existing law requires all moneys, except for fines and penalties, collected by the State Air Resources Board from the auction or sale of allowances as part of a market-based compliance mechanism relative to reduction of greenhouse gas emissions to be deposited in the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund. Existing law continuously appropriates 10% of the annual proceeds of the fund to the Transit and Intercity Rail Capital Program and 5% of the annual proceeds of the fund to the Low Carbon Transit Operations Program.
This bill would, beginning in the 2017-18 2017–18 fiscal year, instead continuously appropriate 20% of those annual proceeds to the Transit and Intercity Rail Capital Program and 10% of those annual proceeds to the Low Carbon Transit Operations Program, thereby making an appropriation.
(7) Article XIX of the California Constitution restricts the expenditure of revenues from taxes imposed by the state on fuels used in motor vehicles upon public streets and highways to street and highway and certain mass transit purposes. Existing law requires certain miscellaneous revenues deposited in the State Highway Account that are not restricted as to expenditure by Article XIX of the California Constitution to be transferred to the Transportation Debt Service Fund in the State Transportation Fund, as specified, and requires the Controller to transfer from the fund to the General Fund an amount of those revenues necessary to offset the current year debt service made from the General Fund on general obligation transportation bonds issued pursuant to Proposition 116 of 1990.
This bill would delete the transfer of these miscellaneous revenues to the Transportation Debt Service Fund, thereby eliminating the offsetting transfer to the General Fund for debt service on general obligation transportation bonds issued pursuant to Proposition 116 of 1990. The bill, subject to a specified exception, would instead require the miscellaneous revenues to be retained in the State Highway Account and to be deposited in the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Account.
(8) Article XIX of the California Constitution requires gasoline excise tax revenues from motor vehicles traveling upon public streets and highways to be deposited in the Highway Users Tax Account, for allocation to city, county, and state transportation purposes. Existing law generally provides for statutory allocation of gasoline excise tax revenues attributable to other modes of transportation, including aviation, boats, agricultural vehicles, and off-highway vehicles, to particular accounts and funds for expenditure on purposes associated with those other modes, except that a specified portion of these gasoline excise tax revenues is deposited in the General Fund. Expenditure of the gasoline excise tax revenues attributable to those other modes is not restricted by Article XIX of the California Constitution.
This bill, commencing July 1, 2017, would instead transfer to the Highway Users Tax Account for allocation to state and local transportation purposes under a specified formula the portion of gasoline excise tax revenues currently being deposited in the General Fund that are attributable to boats, agricultural vehicles, and off-highway vehicles. Because that account is continuously appropriated, the bill would make an appropriation. The bill, commencing July 1, 2017, would transfer, to the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Account, the portion of gasoline excise tax revenues attributable to these uses that would be derived from increases in the gasoline excise tax rate described in (1) above.
(9) Existing law, as of July 1, 2011, increases the sales and use tax on diesel and decreases the excise tax, as provided. Existing law requires the State Board of Equalization to annually modify both the gasoline and diesel excise tax rates on a going-forward basis so that the various changes in the taxes imposed on gasoline and diesel are revenue neutral.
This bill would eliminate the annual rate adjustment to maintain revenue neutrality for the gasoline and diesel excise tax rates and would reimpose the higher gasoline excise tax rate that was in effect on July 1, 2010, in addition to the increase in the rate described in (1) above.
Existing law, beyond the sales and use tax rate generally applicable, imposes an additional sales and use tax on diesel fuel at the rate of 1.75%, subject to certain exemptions, and provides for the net revenues collected from the additional tax to be transferred to the Public Transportation Account. Existing law continuously appropriates these and other revenues in the account to the Controller for allocation by formula to transportation agencies for public transit purposes under the State Transit Assistance Program. Existing law provides for appropriation of other revenues in the account to the Department of Transportation for various other transportation purposes, including intercity rail purposes.
This bill would increase the additional sales and use tax rate on diesel fuel by an additional 4%. The bill would restrict expenditures of revenues attributable to the 3.5% rate increase to transit capital purposes and certain transit services and would require a recipient transit agency to comply with certain requirements, including submitting a list of proposed projects to the Department of Transportation, as a condition of receiving a portion of these funds under the State Transit Assistance Program. The bill would require an existing required audit of transit operator finances to verify that these new revenues have been expended in conformance with these specific restrictions and all other generally applicable requirements. By increasing the amount of revenues in the Public Transportation Account that are continuously appropriated, the bill would thereby make an appropriation. The bill would require the revenues attributable to the remaining 0.5% rate increase to be allocated, upon appropriation, to the department for intercity rail and commuter rail purposes.
This bill would, beginning July 1, 2020, and every 3rd year thereafter, require the State Board of Equalization to recompute the gasoline and diesel excise tax rates and the additional sales and use tax rate on diesel fuel based upon the percentage change in the California Consumer Price Index transmitted to the board by the Department of Finance, as prescribed.
(10) Existing law requires the Department of Transportation to prepare a state highway operation and protection program every other year for the expenditure of transportation capital improvement funds for projects that are necessary to preserve and protect the state highway system, excluding projects that add new traffic lanes. The program is required to be based on an asset management plan, as specified. Existing law requires the department to specify, for each project in the program the capital and support budget and projected delivery date for various components of the project. Existing law provides for the California Transportation Commission to review and adopt the program, and authorizes the commission to decline and adopt the program if it determines that the program is not sufficiently consistent with the asset management plan.
This bill would require the commission, as part of its review of the program, to hold at least one hearing in northern California and one hearing in southern California regarding the proposed program. The bill would require the department to submit any change to a programmed project as an amendment to the commission for its approval.
This bill, on and after August 1, 2017, would also require the commission to make an allocation of all capital and support costs for each project in the program, and would require the department to submit a supplemental project allocation request to the commission for each project that experiences cost increases above the amounts in its allocation. The bill would require the commission to establish guidelines to provide exceptions to the requirement for a supplemental project allocation requirement that the commission determines are necessary to ensure that projects are not unnecessarily delayed.
(11) Existing law imposes weight fees on the registration of commercial motor vehicles and provides for the deposit of net weight fee revenues into the State Highway Account. Existing law provides for the transfer of certain weight fee revenues from the State Highway Account to the Transportation Debt Service Fund to reimburse the General Fund for payment of debt service on general obligation bonds issued for transportation purposes. Existing law also provides for the transfer of certain weight fee revenues to the Transportation Bond Direct Payment Account for direct payment of debt service on designated bonds, which are defined to be certain transportation general obligation bonds issued pursuant to Proposition 1B of 2006. Existing law also provides for loans of weight fee revenues to the General Fund to the extent the revenues are not needed for bond debt service purposes, with the loans to be repaid when the revenues are later needed for those purposes, as specified.
This bill, notwithstanding these provisions or any other law, would only authorize specified percentages of weight fee revenues to be transferred from the State Highway Account to the Transportation Debt Service Fund, the Transportation Bond Direct Payment Account, or any other fund or account for the purpose of payment of the debt service on transportation general obligation bonds in accordance with a prescribed schedule, with no more than 50% of weight fee revenues to be used for debt service purposes beginning with the 2021–22 fiscal year. The bill would require the California Transportation Commission, by January 1, 2018, to recommend a course of action to the Legislature and Governor that would retain the remaining 50% share of weight fee revenues in the State Highway Account or provide for the transfer of those revenues to the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Account. The bill would also prohibit loans of weight fee revenues to the General Fund.
(12) The California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) requires a lead agency, as defined, to prepare, or cause to be prepared, and certify the completion of, an environmental impact report on a project that it proposes to carry out or approve that may have a significant effect on the environment or to adopt a negative declaration if it finds that the project will not have that effect. CEQA also requires a lead agency to prepare a mitigated negative declaration for a project that may have a significant effect on the environment if revisions in the project would avoid or mitigate that effect and there is no substantial evidence that the project, as revised, would have a significant effect on the environment.
CEQA, until January 1, 2020, exempts a project or an activity to repair, maintain, or make minor alterations to an existing roadway, as defined, other than a state roadway, if the project or activity is carried out by a city or county with a population of less than 100,000 persons to improve public safety and meets other specified requirements.
This bill would extend the above-referenced exemption indefinitely to January 1, 2023, and delete the population limitation of the city or county for the exemption to projects or activities in cities and counties with a population of less than 100,000 persons. The bill would also expand the exemption to include state roadways. exemption.
This bill would also establish establish, until January 1, 2023, the Advance Mitigation Program in the Department of Transportation. The bill would authorize the department to undertake specified mitigation measures in advance of construction of planned transportation improvements. The bill would require the department to establish a steering committee to advise the department on advance mitigation measures and related matters. The bill would create the Advance Mitigation Fund as a continuously appropriated revolving fund, to be funded initially from the Road Maintenance and Rehabilitation Program pursuant to (1) above. The bill would provide for reimbursement of the revolving fund at the time a planned transportation improvement benefiting from advance mitigation is constructed. The bill would require the department to submit to the Legislature annual reports and a final report on the operation of the program.
(13) Existing federal law requires the United States Secretary of Transportation to carry out a surface transportation project delivery program, under which the participating states assume certain responsibilities for environmental review and clearance of transportation projects that would otherwise be the responsibility of the federal government. Existing law, until January 1, 2017, when these provisions are repealed, provides that the State of California consents to the jurisdiction of the federal courts with regard to the compliance, discharge, or enforcement of the responsibilities the Department of Transportation assumed as a participant in this program.
This bill would reenact these provisions.
(14) This bill would provide that the fuel tax increases imposed by the bill would be effective on July 1, 2017. The bill would provide that the vehicle fee increases imposed by the bill would be effective on October 1, 2017.
(15) This bill would declare that it is to take effect immediately as an urgency statute.
Digest Key
Vote: 2/3   Appropriation: YES   Fiscal Committee: YES   Local Program: NO
Viewing all 6498 articles
Browse latest View live